Between the 1970s and 2000, the U.S. imprisonment rate increased by 700% (e.g., Beck and Harrison 2001). During the same time period, technological advancements and the decline of manufacturing production in urban areas eliminated many of the higher-paying blue collar job opportunities previously available to workers without college educations (e.g., Morris and Western 1999). The simultaneous large changes in imprisonment and labor markets are striking and the co-occurrence of these events suggests a possible connection between increasingly insecure employment conditions and rising imprisonment rates. Further, policies targeting the poor population (including criminal justice) became more punitive since the 1970s. This co-occurred with a resurgence of Republican Party popularity and overall imprisonment rates subsequently increased (e.g., Beckett and Sasson 2004). Understanding the association between labor market conditions and imprisonment may be especially important for historically disadvantaged minority groups. Research has yet to consider how specific labor market shifts (e.g., restricted blue collar opportunities) may influence imprisonment rates. It is unknown whether such labor market dynamics may better explain the exposure of historically disadvantaged racial minorities to criminal justice system control. This project examines the issues raised in the foregoing discussion using a unique dataset created for this purpose. Data at the local-level are combined from two primary sources: the National Corrections Reporting Program (NCRP) (U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics1989 and 1999), and Integrated Public Use Micro Sample (IPUMS) data (1990 and 2000) (Ruggles, Alexander, Genadek, Goeken, Schroeder, and Sobek 2010). This project also draws from two general election studies, "General Election Data for the United States" (Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research 1995) and American University Federal Elections Project data (Lublin and Voss 2001), and controls for criminal justice system characteristics using the Uniform Crime Reports (UCR) (U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation 1988, 1989, 1998, 1999) and The Book of the States (1990 and 2000). Findings suggest that the percentage of men without college education and restricted blue collar employment rates for unskilled workers are positively associated with prison admission rates within the corresponding local areas. In addition, the local percentage voting for Republican presidential candidates is positively associated with prison admission rates. Further, concentrated disadvantage among local African American populations is significantly and positively associated with prison admission rates for this group. Conversely, concentrated socioeconomic disadvantage among Whites is significantly and negatively associated with prison admission rates for African Americans. In addition, the local percentage of unskilled African Americans is significantly and positively associated with prison admission rates for African Americans and Whites. Finally, the percentage of unskilled workers employed in blue collar industries is significantly and negatively associated with African American and not significantly associated with White prison admission rates.

This thesis is focused on Aboriginal Education Workers (AEWs) who work with, support and care for Indigenous students in schools in South Australia. AEWs work in the ‘border zones’ (Giroux 2005) between the values of schools and the expectations of Indigenous communities. This thesis highlights how AEWs experience indirect discrimination in the workplace as a result of their complex racialised position. In particular, there is a general absence of recognition of AEWs’ caring role by non-Indigenous staff in schools. AEWs are not only marginalised in schools, but also at an institutional level. While AEWs’ working conditions have improved, the ‘redistribution’ (Fraser & Honneth 2003, p. 10) of better working conditions has not eliminated indirect discrimination in the workplace. Furthermore, there is little research regarding AEWs in Indigenous education. Thus at three levels, namely school, Department of Education and Children’s Services (DECS) and academia, there is a cyclical pattern that perpetuates an absence of recognition of AEWs. This thesis uses whiteness theory (Frankenberg 1993) as a theoretical framework to examine this lack of recognition and the consequent low status of AEWs in schools. The thesis emerges from research, experience working as a teacher in a remote Aboriginal school with AEWs, and in-depth semi-structured interviews with 12 AEWs who are working in South Australian state schools. Standpoint theory (Collins 2004; Harding 2004) is used as both a method and methodology in order to understand and map AEWs’ position in schools. A common theme raised by all of the AEWs in the interviews is the absence of recognition of their work in schools by non-Indigenous staff and the consequent feeling of marginalisation in the workplace. In this thesis the site-specific contexts of the interviewees and the effects of whiteness are examined. The findings that emerged from the in-depth semi-structured interviews with AEWs were concerned with Indigenous ethics of care models. The narratives from the interviewees who were AEWs revealed how white ethics of care practices in schools de-legitimise Indigenous ethics of care. Furthermore, the discursive regimes that govern school policy and protocol often limit AEWs’ ability to respond effectively to Indigenous student needs. This thesis highlights the complexities and contradictions of AEWs who are working in the border zones. As a result, AEWs often feel caught between school expectations and community protocols. This thesis advocates equality of recognition of Indigenous ethics of care practices to address the indirect discrimination that AEWs experience. It concludes with a map for recognition of AEWs' care practices on an institutional level in relation to academia and DECS, and in schools in order to overturn the continual marginalisation of AEWs in South Australia. It argues for a values shift for non-Indigenous teachers and staff in schools and at the institutional levels in DECS and academia. In particular, this involves a values shift by non-Indigenous teachers, academics and policy makers towards an understanding of whiteness. Recommendations are provided in the concluding chapter that signpost possible moves towards equality of recognition of Indigenous ethics of care practices by non-Indigenous staff in schools.

The common perception of Fiji, which is unique in the South Pacific, is that of an ethnically divided society with the indigenous and immigrant communities often at loggerheads. This perception was heightened by the military coups of 1987, which overthrew the democratically elected government of Dr. Timoci Bavadra because it was perceived as Indian-dominated. Again in 2000, the People's Coalition Government headed by an Indian, Mahendra Chaudhry, was ousted in a civilian coup. Yet Fiji had been genuinely multiethnic for several decades (even centuries) before it became a colony in 1874. From then onwards, however, because of the policies of the colonial government, the society slowly became plural (in Furnivall's classic sense) as the different races were separated in almost every walk of life. Until the 1920s there were hardly any conflicts between Fijians and Indians. From the 1920s, however, the Fijians were taught to be wary of the Indians. After independence in 1970, the Alliance government under Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara followed a policy of multiracialism with the stated aim of bringing the different ethnic groups together in a society where people achieved some degree of integration in terms of a common national identity, while retaining their own separate traditions. But, more than thirty years later, Fiji still remains an ethnically divided society with hardly any integration. My research explores the reason for this failure. My thesis is that the failure arose from the kind of democratic system that the country adopted at independence. That is, the Westminster concept of government and opposition can be problematic in a multiethnic society if political parties are divided on ethnic lines rather than based on political ideologies. Ratu Mara was one Fiji leader who recognized this problem and had said that the confrontational Westminster system is not appropriate in a South Pacific island with a multiracial population. While Stephanie Lawson, Peter Larmour, Futa Helu and others have made some important contribution to this debate, my thesis will focus on an argument put forward by Michael Goldsmith on the role of the opposition, making a distinction between two kinds of pposition, confrontational and thoughtful . This thesis contends that the Westminster system that Fiji adopted at independence failed to bring integration in part because the National Federation Party (NFP) degenerated over the years from a 'thoughtful' and effective opposition to a 'confrontational', ethnic opposition.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2007. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 120-125).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2007. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 128-130).

Data from the National Educational Longitudinal Study (NELS: 88) are used to examine differential student placement and to assess the independent effects of race on academic tracking within the vocational program. The study examines how the structure of tracking within the vocational program shapes both academic achievement outcomes and career opportunities among high school students. Student's placement in the vocational program is argued to function as a unique track program that disadvantage students academically, particularly students of color. Racial-ethnic minority students are disproportionately placed into lower level academic courses and programs including vocational education. Once so placed, their subsequent enrollment patterns in specific vocational courses may have varying effects on academic and career outcomes. Few studies have attempted to disaggregate how students are further tracked once they are placed into broad high school curriculum tracks. This study analyzes the specific variations in patterns of race-ethnic student placement within vocational programs and examines the consequences of such placement for academic achievement and career attainment outcomes. Findings reveal that several racial-ethnic variations are associated with the tracking processes within the vocational program and subsequent student academic and career outcomes. Race-ethnicity most often was negatively associated with performance on standardized achievement tests and enrollment into low vocational tracks, primarily among males. There were noteworthy gender differences in the assignment within vocational tracks, academic success, and eventual employment status and occupational placement.

This research examined the effects of appearance discrimination toward men as regards employment decisions and the extent to which the degree of interviewer selfmonitoring influences these decisions. Past research has indicated that discrimination does indeed occur for women, but no empirical research has been conducted on male discrimination in which hair length has been manipulated. Specifically, length of hair (shoulder length, approximately 1 inch, and balding) was manipulated for potential job applicants. These conditions were examined across different types of jobs (traditionally conservative, neutral, and traditionally liberal). Several hypotheses are offered, with most focused on the concept that those scoring high in self-monitoring will base decisions on the "fit" of the applicant appearance to the type of job, whereas those scoring low on selfmonitoring will base their decisions more on the qualifications of the applicant. Results indicate that male appearance discrimination does not occur and that employer levels of self-monitoring have no impact on hiring decisions.

<p>This dissertation examines South African artist Irma Stern’s contributions to modernism in South Africa and to modernism as a global movement. It analyzes how Stern’s interactions with South Africans, combined with her early artistic training in Germany and her cultural connections to the South African Jewish community, helped her to bring critical issues of race, gender, and nation into focus through her work. This study goes beyond the work of previous scholars who have suggested that Stern was uninterested in social or political causes, arguing that Stern was acutely aware of how social and political themes contributed to modernism’s development in Europe. Moreover, this study concludes that Stern employed similar strategies to develop a South African modernism. Although she often spoke pejoratively about nonwhite South Africans, she was cognizant of the fact that the act of painting nonwhites made significant artistic and political statements.</p><p>Because Stern is virtually unknown in the United States, this study will do the following: 1) Introduce Stern to an American audience by discussing her work from the beginning of her artistic training in Germany in 1913 to her death in 1966; 2) Reconnect Stern to the larger global debates about modernism in the twentieth century; 3) Analyze Stern’s works that have received little or no attention in previous scholarship; and 4) Discuss the long-term influence that Stern’s work had in shaping the direction of South African art before, during, and after apartheid.</p><p>Formal analysis and close readings of Stern's oil paintings, drawings, travel narratives, and watercolors are crucial in understanding how she used her artistic talents to record visual interpretations of South African culture history. As one of only a few internationally respected South African artists of the apartheid era, an examination of Stern's work and career allows for a more complex understanding of how race, gender, and nation contributed to the development of modernism in South African art history.</p> / Dissertation

In the 1990s, multiracial advocacy organizations emerged as a national movement. The primary purpose of this movement was to obtain recognition of multiracial identity by the U.S. government. Though possessing a common goal, the organizations within the movement advocated for multiracialism through different racial frames. Using extended case methodology, this study seeks to identify the racial frames utilized by the multiracial movement. Through in-depth interviews with founders and presidents, current and past, of multiracial advocacy organizations, I extend the current literature on racial framing. After critical analysis of my interviews, I identify the presence of the traditional white racist frame as well as a racial counter-frame. Reviewing the elements of both frameworks, I discuss how the use of these frames affects the struggle for racial justice in the United States. Finally, using Bell's principle of interest convergence, I conclude with an examination of how the utilization of the traditional white racist frame by the multiracial movement and the interest of whites in maintaining social domination resulted in the "mark all that apply" decision by the Office and Management and Budget.

Flavonoid 3¡¦,5¡¦-hydroxylase (F3¡¦,5¡¦H) is the key enzyme that catalyzesthe anthocyanin biosynthesis pathway for the expression of blue or purple flower color. The garden crops of Verbena x hybrida were used to clone its F3¡¦,5¡¦H gene for the investigation of flower color engineering and regulatory program. Degenerate primers were designed from the conservative regions of other published F3¡¦,5¡¦H genes to amplify the expectant DNA fragment . A full-length cDNA of the F3¡¦,5¡¦H gene designated VhFH1 (AY604727) was cloned by the method of 5¡¦and 3¡¦ RACE, and its genomic DNA sequence was isolated by the IPCR strategy. Nucleotide sequence alignment revealed that VhFH1 contains two introns and a 1542 bp open reading frame encoding a polypeptide of 514 amino acid residues, and there could be a promoter sequence with TATA box signal in the upstream of the transcription start site. The amino acid sequence of VhFH1 was compared with the previous reported F3¡¦,5¡¦H and showed between 50¢Mand 77¢Midentity with those species. The expectant molecular mass and isoelectric point of VhFH1 protein is 57 KD and 7.69, respectively. There are three typical motifs of the F3¡¦,5¡¦H that belongs to the cytochrome P450 proteins in the VhFH1 predicted protein. According to the above-mentioned conjecture, VhFH1 is a full-length cDNA of the F3¡¦,5¡¦H gene in the V. hybrida. This cDNA fragment was inserted into the plant expression vector pCambia 1304 and could be detected the expression in E. coli by RT-PCR and protein electrophoresis. It is practicable to transform the horticultural plants with these vectors to create novel flower colors in the future. Furthermore, transcripts of the F3¡¦,5¡¦H gene were detected in the blue, purple and white flowers but not in the red one as revealed by RT-PCR. These results are advantageous in the further investigation of regulatory factors of the anthocyanin biosynthesis pathway in the V. hybrida.