The legal end of apartheid in South Africa brought about innumerable radical changes, not least so in its implications for the identity dynamics of all citizens. Due to their parents’ and grandparents’ undeniable involvement in and benefitting from the apartheid system, white Afrikaner youth are experiencing particular challenges as they battle to renegotiate their identity as Afrikaners. Three interrelated research aims guided this case study, namely a) to explore respondents’ attitudes toward a variety of identity labels and cultural elements; b) to detect possible manifestations of a present day ‘new’ Afrikaner nationalism amongst them and c) to probe the relationship between respondents’ identification and the South African ‘brain drain’. Literature and focus group data informed the content of a comprehensive survey, which was filled out by 151 respondents from the Faculty of Humanities at the University of Pretoria. Results illustrate that conventional Afrikaner churches and the institution of the family continue to act as a 'hub of socialisation' that transfers traditional values to the youth, in so doing providing continuity between the past and present. The two-thirds of respondents who are members of conventional Afrikaner churches are more likely to identify with exclusivist, conservative ethno-cultural values. The stark juxtaposition between a radically changed national context and these respondents’ values manifests in a particular strategy to present themselves as ‘politically correct’ citizens. This strategy involves utilisation of the notion of 'culture' to downplay the centrality of racial difference in their experiences and identification. They subscribe to several discourses that are typical of ‘whiteness’, which cast whites as victims of change and discredit post-1994 redress policies. It is argued that respondents’ strong ethno-cultural identification disproves the notion of an identity crisis amongst them and underpins the finding that few respondents plan to emigrate on a permanent basis. Their active consumption of key elements of white Afrikaner culture arguably constitutes a form of twenty-first century cultural nationalism. / Dissertation (MSocSci)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / Sociology / unrestricted

Bibliography: pages 511-522. / To understand the intricacies of white rightwing politics in South Africa, an in-depth analysis of the roots, strength, policies and strategies of a very small but potentially potent sector of South Africa's diverse population is required. The aim of this dissertation is to provide an objective analysis of interlinking issues associated with the rightwing, the gathering and logical presentation of empirical data, the critical discussion of theories relating to ethnicity, and the provision of a framework in which to evaluate further developments in the sphere of rightwing politics. The thesis is concerned with an assessment of the white rightwing movement as a potentially disruptive element within the process of transformation to a democratic dispensation in South Africa. It argues that Afrikaner ethno-nationalism is the driving force of the rightwing, and discusses this phenomenon in the context of its historical roots, its class base, and its ethnic component. The thesis relies on the theoretical framework of Horowitz, which suggests that the rightwing should be analyzed in terms of a collective drive for power, which in turn could be used to confirm the social status of the Afrikaner ethnic group. It is argued that in the rightwing view, the best way to confirm Afrikaner social status and to protect the group from domination by other ethnic groups and races, is through self-determination. To achieve this goal, the rightwing has placed heavy emphasis on territorial aspects and has structured its territorial demands on the basis of achieving ethnic homogeneity in the Afrikaner 'fatherland'.

The aim of this thesis is to investigate conditions of the Afrikaners in the "New" Republic of South Africa and whether the Afrikaners have a strong desire for claiming their right for self-determination and would be able to establish their own ethnic-state, so-called volkstaat. The Afrikaners are a significant minority, the descendants of the Western European settlers who came to South Africa in the 17th century and during the following centuries they developed their own culture, language, religion and national heritage including their own national identity and politics. The strong national awareness, patriotism and the affiliation with the new-born nation gave the birth for the Afrikaner nationalism, which was enhanced with the important historical event, today known as the Great Trek and series of the Anglo- Boer Wars. The Afrikaner National Party was a leading proponent of the racial segregation and proposed the idea of apartheid under the persuasion of the white supremacy and the political dominance of so-called whiteness. In 1994, when the racial equality was promoted and the black African National Congress came into power, the Afrikaners became politically underrepresented and economically, socially and culturally marginalized. This article examines changes and the current positions of the...

Bibliography: leaves 115-131. / This thesis sets out to locate a post-apartheid perspective within what might be described as postcolonial Religious Studies, drawing on the genealogical method of Michel Foucault. Roughly stated, I understand the methodology to represent a shift away from preoccupation with the actual truth or otherwise of an idea, towards concern with the agitation - the discord, the discrepancies - that characterizes the appearance of an idea. Within the parameters, paradigms and possibilities imposed by this method, I inquire into the politics of theistic formulation in South Africa prior to the Union of South Africa (1910). Part One of the thesis discusses the politics of the advent of the Christian God in Southern Africa. In the three chapters that comprise this section, I situate colonial beliefs about God within colonialism as a discursive genre; in particular, evidence is provided of the deployment of religious (and in particular theistic) sensibility as a strategic category in the Othering discourse by which European expansion into Southern Africa was promulgated. Chapter Two opens by observing that colonial constructions of Otherness served not only to "erase" (Spivak) autochthonic identity, but also to eulogize and assert the colonial Self. Contextualizing my argument in the debate about the ambiguous effects of colonial missionary activities, I examine the mythically imbued, Othering discourse of Robert Moffat as a particularly conspicuous instance of the missionary qua colonial Self. Chapter Three gathers the concerns of Part One around the problem of theistic formulation in a colonial context, by discussing John Colenso's discovery of a theistic sensibility indigenous to autochthonic Africans as an example of a transgression of the Christian discourse that colonialism made function as truth. Part Two makes use of the categories established in Part One, and applies them to Afrikanerdom: its Othering in British colonial discourse; its religiously imbued, mythic history; and its beliefs in God. Having brought to theistic formulation a Foucauldian suspicion of systems of truth, my argument turns in Part Three to bring a particular theology, theologia crucis, alongside Foucault: accepting that the "dogmatic finitization" (Wolfhart Pannenberg) of Christian belief is inherently susceptible to the play of power, I observe that theistic formulation cast in terms of the cross - the "Crucified God" (Jurgen Moltmann) - holds a subversive potential in which may lie possibilities for an alternative to "truth".

This dissertation analyzes the careers of three Afrikaner missionaries, David Bosch, Carel Boshoff, and Nico Smith, who gained international reputations for pioneering alternatives to the South African Nation Party’s (NP) policy of apartheid over the second half of the 20th century. Afrikaners looked to missionaries to be moral leaders on questions of race relations, and missionaries’ public theologies carried significant moral weight. While numerous historians have argued that from the 1930s through the 1950s Afrikaner missionaries played a key role in developing and promoting the moral basis of apartheid in South Africa, they have not, however, addressed how Afrikaner missionaries responded to the political, social, and moral failure of apartheid. By the 1970s, the dissonance between the ideal and the actual implementation of apartheid led Bosch, Smith, and Boshoff—by that time leading public theologians—to a crisis of confidence in the NP, and they began to endorse divergent moral visions for the country’s future. David Bosch and Nico Smith embraced racial unity while Carel Boshoff pursued ethnic separatism. By the mid-1970s, Bosch became a leading proponent of “reconciliation,” which gave Afrikaners new moral language for thinking about themselves as part of a non-racial society. By the mid-1980s, both Bosch and Smith were key leaders in ecumenical and interracial organizations that endorsed a negotiated end to apartheid. They helped to form a growing interracial solidarity of Christians that encouraged and facilitated the democratic transition of 1990/1994. Conservative theologians, like Boshoff, attempted to stem the popularity of reconciliation in Afrikaner political and civil organizations. He was unable to successfully coordinate efforts with other conservatives, and he was increasingly marginalized. Ultimately, Boshoff opted for negotiated ethnic separatism with the African National Congress. This study demonstrates that far from being monolithic, Afrikaner religiosity and racial morality were dynamic and contested. Secondly, it shows that a number of Afrikaner public theologians and moral leaders were actively involved in ending white minority rule in South Africa. Conversely, it also shows that conservative religious leaders were able to transform Afrikaner nationalism, thereby prolonging its influence into the 21st century.

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Aspects of memory and identity with reference to the prose of Dana Snyman will be reflected in this research report. Concepts from memory studies, such as cultural and collective memory, collective identity as well as nostalgia and loss will serve as the matrix for a reading of his narratives. The reception of Weg, an Afrikaans outdoor magazine (and specifically the contri- butions by Snyman) amongst readers typified as the Weg-generation will be studied. Since the political transformation of 1994, there has been a renewed attempt by Afri- kaners to explore their identity and status in the new dispensation. Snyman’s nostalgic representation of this process can be linked to a current trend in Afrikaans literature where identity and roots are explored in order to redefine Self and Other. His stories document the Afrikaner culture of a bygone era with a view of coming to terms with that past. / Afrikaans / Thesis (M.A. (Afrikaans))

Aspects of memory and identity with reference to the prose of Dana Snyman will be reflected in this research report. Concepts from memory studies, such as cultural and collective memory, collective identity as well as nostalgia and loss will serve as the matrix for a reading of his narratives. The reception of Weg, an Afrikaans outdoor magazine (and specifically the contri- butions by Snyman) amongst readers typified as the Weg-generation will be studied. Since the political transformation of 1994, there has been a renewed attempt by Afri- kaners to explore their identity and status in the new dispensation. Snyman’s nostalgic representation of this process can be linked to a current trend in Afrikaans literature where identity and roots are explored in order to redefine Self and Other. His stories document the Afrikaner culture of a bygone era with a view of coming to terms with that past. / Afrikaans / Thesis (M.A. (Afrikaans))

Dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment in compliance with the requirements for the Masters Degree in Technology: Fine Art, Durban Institute of Technology, 2012. / I believe that the election in 1994 of the first democratic government in South Africa has presented a challenge to all South Africans in different ways. I believe that one of the principal challenges that the 1994 elections presented to my conservative Calvinistic Afrikaner community was to address its personal, family, community, national and international identity/ies. Arising out of this perspective and perception, I have explored my and my family memory/ies to answer questions about my identity. My study is a journey of awareness: a self-study exploring my identity through critical self-reflection and the development of my art practice. My self-study is multi- disciplinary: it employs interchangeable methodologies allowing for various forms of knowledge generation. My journey of awareness is a “living theory” in which I have developed my “living standards of judgement” and addressed my “living contradictions” (Whitehead 1985; 1989; 2008a; b; c; d). My study illustrates the symbiotic research and creative process of developing an understanding of my identity as a white Afrikaans woman through practicing my art. My art practice assisted in the action/reflection process as well acting as a tool for social action and transformation. / M

Thesis (MMus (Music))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / Die Oranjeklub was the first Afrikaans culture organisation in Cape Town. Active since 1915, it strove to shape Afrikaner identity and advance Afrikaner art and culture. The main aim of the club was to inspire national sentiment, especially among young Afrikaners, and to help cultivate a love in this constituency for their language and history. This national sentiment was nourished by meetings of social and cultural significance. In this respect, Die Oranjeklub played an integral role in early twentieth-century Cape Town to oppose a perceived English political and cultural supremacy, acting as a buffer against the so-called ‘ver-Engelsing’ or Anglicization that was seen to threaten the identity of especially urban Afrikaners. Programmes during meetings usually comprised of a speech, supplemented by music and recital items that were generally contributed by Afrikaans club members. Meetings that deviated from this norm were mainly evenings where plays were performed or festivaloccasions of national importance in which the club was actively involved. The club’s management comprised two levels: an honorary committee and an executive committee. Many historically important figures served on the honorary-committee. The list includes names like D.F. Malan, J.B.M. Hertzog, C.J. Langenhoven and J.C. Smuts, amongst others. The executive committee had equally noteworthy chairmen, like the writer I.D. du Plessis and the critic C.H. Weich. The names of many important musicians can be found on club programmes, including Arnold van Wyk, Blanche Gerstman and Stefans Grové. Important actors and role players in theatre also participated in club events, amongst others Anna Neethling-Pohl, N.P. van Wyk Louw and Sarah Goldblatt. Speakers included personalities like D. Craven, C. Barnard and P.W. Botha. In 1976, after many decades trying to advance culture among white Afrikaners in Cape Town, the club was disbanded. This thesis documents, for the first time, the history of Die Oranjeklub. It also considers the meaning of the club’s cultural activities, especially its efforts to advance music among its members.