With the evolving problems of terrorism in Nigeria and the formation of numerous new terrorist groups, insurgency in Nigeria has escalated, making it one of the most terrorized countries in sub-Saharan Africa. This study looked critically at the effects of the strategies applied in the attempt to fight terrorism and how these strategies have affected insurgency in Nigeria. The background of the study gives an insight on the evolution of terrorist groups in Nigeria, their mode of operation, effects on citizens and the Nigerian economy, as well as the operations of counterterrorist agencies. The qualitative research method was used for this study. Critical theory and resource dependence theory were applied, and data were obtained through face-to-face and telephone interviews with 7 stakeholders. Detailed recommendations are made to aid counterterrorist agencies in developing and applying additional and effective workable strategies in their fight against terrorism. Policies in Nigeria were recommended that may discourage terrorism initiations and center the focus of youth towards nation-building. Social problems were identified connecting young people as the primary causes of terrorism in Nigeria. Solid recommendations in this direction have been provided to ensure youths across the country who form a vulnerable population and are the targets of terrorist sect recruitment are protected and provided with effective tools to prevent their conscription, while engaging them positively in becoming knowledgeable and self-reliant citizens.

The United States has a long history of domestic terrorism, yet U.S. counterterrorism policy has focused almost completely on the threat from international terrorism. The gap in the literature was the absence of an empirical evaluation of U.S. counterterrorism policy on domestic terrorism in general. The purpose of this quantitative study was to describe the impact of 21st century U.S. counterterrorism policy on incidence, lethality, and cost of domestic terrorism using data from the Global Terrorism Database. The multiple streams framework and the power elite theory were used. In this longitudinal trend study using secondary data analysis, domestic terrorism data were analyzed from 749 terrorist attacks using descriptive statistics, visual analysis, and the series hazard model to examine any changes in the frequency and hazard of domestic terrorism in relation to the following 5 policies: USA PATRIOT Act, USA PATRIOT Improvement and Reauthorization Act, Animal Enterprise Terrorism Act, Implementing Recommendations of the 9/11 Commission Act, and USA FREEDOM Act. The results empirically supported the greater threat of domestic terrorism and showed that domestic terrorism changed in relation to counterterrorism policy. Further, the addition of the series hazard model in the analysis of domestic terrorism following policy implementation added additional depth to the results. This study contributed to positive social change by providing policy makers and counterterrorism agencies with an empirical, evidence-based method for evaluating U.S. counterterrorism policy and for a non-partisan, non-political, evidence-based method for quantitatively determining terrorist threat.

An assessment of the costs and benefits of antiterrorism policies has a number of challenges. Canada’s situation is particularly complex because of its asymmetric and integrative economic and geographic relationship with the United States. Few theoretical models of international antiterrorism policy exist and none fit well this asymmetric relationship. This thesis attempts to fill this void by understanding the motives behind Canadian antiterrorism policies and the related spending, and how these are affected by the relationship with the United States. We explore a two country theoretical model with strategic interactions, focusing on relative spending. What is found is that the economics and geography of the two countries play a large role in motivating spending and can drastically alter antiterrorism spending beyond that needed solely for public safety in Canada. / Graduate / 0511 / 0501 / 0616 / kyleburak@gmail.com

An assessment of the costs and benefits of antiterrorism policies has a number of challenges. Canada’s situation is particularly complex because of its asymmetric and integrative economic and geographic relationship with the United States. Few theoretical models of international antiterrorism policy exist and none fit well this asymmetric relationship. This thesis attempts to fill this void by understanding the motives behind Canadian antiterrorism policies and the related spending, and how these are affected by the relationship with the United States. We explore a two country theoretical model with strategic interactions, focusing on relative spending. What is found is that the economics and geography of the two countries play a large role in motivating spending and can drastically alter antiterrorism spending beyond that needed solely for public safety in Canada. / Graduate / 0511 / 0501 / 0616 / kyleburak@gmail.com

This study seeks to analyze the change of US security policy in Southeast Asia from the Clinton to Bush administrations. The main aim of the study is to examine the position of Southeast Asia in US security policy and changes in US security policy toward Southeast Asia between the two administrations at both regional and bilateral levels. Besides examining the US security approach to regional institutions like ASEAN and ARF, the study especially concentrates on the US security approach to some ASEAN members - The Philippines, Thailand, Singapore, Indonesia and Malaysia - as well as interactions between the United States and these countries in terms of security. The main argument of this study is that since the end of the Cold War, Southeast Asia has occupied an important position in US security strategy though it was far from being the highest priority in US foreign policy. During the Clinton administration and in the context of the post-Cold War environment which saw the decline of American economic power, the dynamic economic and political development of East Asia, and the existence of hot spots like North Korean and Taiwan, the United States supported the establishment of the ARF and strengthened its alliance with several ASEAN members, including the Philippines, Thailand, Singapore and Indonesia. With the goal to form a ???New Pacific Community???, the US had strategic interests in keeping Southeast Asia stable and preventing the emergence of a potential adversary in the future. To implement the security pillar in the Clinton Doctrine, the US provided military assistance to, and increased military exercises with the ASEAN states. During this period, the China factor was also a key element contributing to the change of the US relationship with the region. In the post-Cold War, the US has seen many challenges posed by China, especially from China???s military modernization program. Moreover, China???s activities in the South China Sea during the 1990s also contributed to the strengthening of bilateral relations between the US and ASEAN states. Under the Bush administration, Southeast Asia became more important to the US interests. Economically, Southeast Asia was the USA???s fifth-largest trading partner. At the same time, the US ranked as either the largest or second-largest trade partner of nine of the ten ASEAN states. Strategically, after September 11, 2001, Southeast Asia played a significant role in US security strategy since it served as the ???second front of terror???. Besides strengthening its relations with ASEAN and the ARF, the United States revitalized its bilateral relationships with ASEAN states, such as: The Philippines, Thailand, Singapore, Indonesia, and Malaysia. Through anti-terrorism initiatives, military assistance programs, intelligence sharing and joint military exercises, the US deepened and expanded its relations with ASEAN states. From this perspective, both the Philippines and Thailand were designated as ???major non-NATO allies??? of the US. In the long term, the USA???s objective in the region was to prevent the emergence of any potential adversary that would be capable of competing with the US in the future. Importantly, the US re-engagement in Southeast Asia under the Bush administration was not only to counter terrorism, but also to contain China. The rapid increase in China???s defense spending and the expansion of its influence in Southeast Asia concerned the United States. During the Bush era, China also played a key role in the US relationships with ASEAN states.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar o desenvolvimento de instituições criadas para o combate ao terrorismo por meio do desempenho de atividades de inteligência nacional nos Estados Unidos e na França, buscando elucidar as principais diferenças e similaridades entre os dois processos distintos. O artigo expõe as contribuições da teoria do neoinstitucionalismo histórico da ciência política, permitindo a compreensão do fenômeno da institucionalização. Uma abordagem comparativa dos casos, estudados de maneira detalhada, é apresentada, destacando as principais ocorrências que guiaram os atuais desenhos institucionais e estratégias de combate ao terrorismo estadunidense e francesa. Ao seu fim, conclusões são feitas a respeito de aparentes lógicas de centralização e normalização que permearam a reforma da Comunidade de Inteligência dos Estados Unidos (USIC) e da Comunidade Francesa de Inteligência (CFR) no contexto da Guerra Global ao Terror. / This paper has the objective of analyzing the development of institutions designed to combat terrorism by means of national intelligence activities in the United States and France, aiming at elucidating the main differences and similarities between these two distinctive processes. The article exposes the contributions of the historical neo-institutionalist theory of political science, allowing the comprehension of the institutionalization phenomenon. A comparative approach of the cases, studied in a detailed manner, is presented, highlighting the main occurrences that led to the formulation of the North-American and French current institutional designs and strategies for countering terrorism. By its end, conclusions are drawn in regards to the perceived rationales of centralization and normalization that permeated the reform of the United States Intelligence Community (USIC) and the creation of the Communauté Française du Renseignement (CFR) in the context of the Global War on Terror.

CVE is complex. It requires combatting the narratives and ideology of many extremist groups around the globe, constructing environments with appealing alternatives to extremism, and most importantly, sensitivity to the variety of circumstances in which CVE takes place to effectively battle the root causes of extremism. Constructing a complete CVE effort thus requires a great variety of skills, coordinated to efficient implementation. Despite notional commitment, U.S. CVE abroad lacks interagency coordination. JIATF-S offers a strong model of interagency coordination, from which lessons may be applied to the formation of an interagency CVE effort. Interagency coordination would bring extensive expertise and resources to bear on CVE operations.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar o desenvolvimento de instituições criadas para o combate ao terrorismo por meio do desempenho de atividades de inteligência nacional nos Estados Unidos e na França, buscando elucidar as principais diferenças e similaridades entre os dois processos distintos. O artigo expõe as contribuições da teoria do neoinstitucionalismo histórico da ciência política, permitindo a compreensão do fenômeno da institucionalização. Uma abordagem comparativa dos casos, estudados de maneira detalhada, é apresentada, destacando as principais ocorrências que guiaram os atuais desenhos institucionais e estratégias de combate ao terrorismo estadunidense e francesa. Ao seu fim, conclusões são feitas a respeito de aparentes lógicas de centralização e normalização que permearam a reforma da Comunidade de Inteligência dos Estados Unidos (USIC) e da Comunidade Francesa de Inteligência (CFR) no contexto da Guerra Global ao Terror. / This paper has the objective of analyzing the development of institutions designed to combat terrorism by means of national intelligence activities in the United States and France, aiming at elucidating the main differences and similarities between these two distinctive processes. The article exposes the contributions of the historical neo-institutionalist theory of political science, allowing the comprehension of the institutionalization phenomenon. A comparative approach of the cases, studied in a detailed manner, is presented, highlighting the main occurrences that led to the formulation of the North-American and French current institutional designs and strategies for countering terrorism. By its end, conclusions are drawn in regards to the perceived rationales of centralization and normalization that permeated the reform of the United States Intelligence Community (USIC) and the creation of the Communauté Française du Renseignement (CFR) in the context of the Global War on Terror.

There is a need to address current military strategies to defeat the resilience of the Boko Haram Terrorist (BHT) group. The purpose of this qualitative study was to provide a counter-ideology framework as an alternative strategy to defeat the group. The relational/vengeance and relative deprivation theories provided the theoretical foundation for the study, and the research question addressed the extent to which counter-ideology strategies can be instituted to defeat the BHT group. Data were collected through semi structured interviews from 20 participants who were Muslim clerics, community leaders, and military personnel, and data were analyzed using Nvivo software. The themes for the study were developed using a content analysis approach. The findings indicated that the resilience of Boko Haram was due to the group's ability to maintain an ideological consistency with the extreme version of Jihadi-Salafism. Thus, there is a need to develop an effective reconciliatory national security strategy that is focused on counter-ideology policies to augment the ongoing military strategy. Given that counter-ideology offers a nonmilitary counterterrorism approach, it can deescalate the security situation in Northeast Nigeria, which can lead to socioeconomic benefits for the youth in Nigeria.

The United Nations Counterterrorism and Human Rights Committees’ current collaborative practices have failed to reduce global terrorists’ activities and human rights abuses associated with counterterrorism activities. The purpose of this qualitative case study was to explore and compare collaborative processes between the committees in combatting terrorism and human rights violations associated with counterterrorism. The researched was centered around two key questions: The similarities and differences with information sharing processes and the impacts of the committees’ collaborative processes on terrorists’ activities and human rights violations. For this study, the pragmatic paradigm theoretical framework was used, focusing on the descriptive exploratory design. Secondary data was used as a source. Additionally, face-to-face and telephonic interviews with subject matter experts were conducted. Eclectic coding was used as the primary coding methodology to integrate other coding methodologies in the analysis process. The research concluded that the current multidisciplinary collaborative process used by the United Nations Counterterrorism Committee and Human Rights Committee creates inefficiencies that enable terrorists’ activities to adapt while reinforcing their terrorist message. Strategically integrating the interdisciplinary process within both committees could expand each committee’s awareness and efficiency in specified areas while positively reducing terrorist activities and human rights violations. Developing an appreciation and understanding beyond one’s individual expertise while melding expert considerations is the basis of the interdisciplinary process that can positively effect social change for a more stable international forum.