Thesis (Ph. D.)--West Virginia University, 2001. / Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains vi, 150 p. : ill. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 89-94).

The PFLP represents a violent Marxist trend among Palestinian political organizations. It is uncompromisingly hostile toward Israel, the industrialized West and the West's regional allies, and rejects any settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict which does not entail both Israel's elimination and the establishment of an independent Palestinian state on all land it claims as Palestine. Until this occurs, the PFLP remains committed to armed conflict with its enemies. This study attempts to explain the PFLP's lagging position within the Palestinian national movement by comparing its policies with Fatah's. Unlike the PFLP, Fatah's overriding concern was to establish a Palestinian authority on any portion of 'liberated land' and consider the question of Israel's existence later. Fatah's selection of supporters was never conditioned upon ideological compatibility. It formed coalitions with all interested parties and accepted assistance from all willing providers. Most importantly, Fatah - as the PLO's dominant faction - transformed itself from an underground group to a quasi-government with diplomatic status and later, to leadership of the PNA in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Fatah's flexibility enabled it to survive regional and global changes. In the unipolar international order which followed the Soviet bloc's collapse in 1991, the PLO courted the United States and its allies, participated in the Arab-Israeli peace process, and was rewarded with authority over part of the Palestinian 'homeland'. The PFLP, spurning change, refused to act likewise. From its Damascus headquarters, it can currently do nothing without the Syrian government's approval and Syria, on the verge of a peace agreement with Israel, is unlikely to allow its protege to do more than issue statements. Only an imaginative and bold move by the PFLP, at this point, can restore the organization's prestige among its constituents and notoriety among its enemies.

This thesis considers the intersection of international investment law and international human rights law in ICSID arbitration by reference to the ‘fragmentation’ of public international law. More specifically, it argues that it is possible to establish a procedural basis for a host state human rights defence in ICSID arbitration. Utilising a systemic conception of public international law driven by state consent, it is posited that regime conflict between international investment law and international human rights law in ICSID arbitration justifies the introduction of a host state human rights defence. By reference to the ICSID Arbitral Rules, this thesis establishes a viable basis for the introduction of international human rights law into ICSID arbitration by a host state. Finally, it is argued that a procedural basis for a host state human rights defence in ICSID arbitration has the ability to ‘de-fragment’ international investment law and international human rights law.

The most striking feature of hornbills (Bucerotiformes) is their unusual nesting behaviour. Before laying, a female hornbill enters the nest in a tree cavity. Uniquely among birds, she then seals the nest entrance using her faeces and locally available materials, leaving a narrow gap only 1 cm wide. Through this tiny slit, the female is totally dependent on her mate for between 40 days in the smallest hornbills and up to 130 days in the largest. Once walled in the nest, the female will lay her eggs and shed all of her wing and tail feathers. The male then becomes completely responsible for provisioning his mate and a few weeks later, the chicks. When her feathers have regrown, the female breaks out of the nest, often before the chicks are fully grown. The chicks then reseal the entrance until they too are ready to fledge. This thesis describes attempts to better understand the nesting behaviour of hornbills. The first chapter introduces hornbill ecology and behaviour and highlights their potential as model systems for studying conflict and communication. Chapter 2 describes the methods used to set up a study population of Southern Yellow-Billed Hornbill (Tockus leucomelas) consisting of 47 occupied nest boxes, over 35km2 in the Southern Kalahari Desert, South Africa. Chapter 3 summarises behaviour over three breeding seasons from October 2008 to April 2011. Female feather moult followed a precise staggered pattern, unlike other populations. Widespread filial cannibalism by females of both eggs and chicks was observed for the first time. The possible proximate causes of cannibalism are explored. Egg cannibalism allowed females to recoup some of their energetic investment, while cannibalism of chicks served as an efficient mechanism of brood reduction for nests with low paternal feeding rate. Chapter 4 investigates how females communicate need for nesting materials to males. Females altered the rate and structure of their begging calls when experimentally deprived of nest lining and males in turn delivered more nest materials. Chapter 5 examines the factors that determine how long females remain in the nest. Females with larger broods stayed in the nest longer, irrespective of their own or their chicks’ condition or male feeding rates. This raises questions about the role of mothers in the nest. Chapter 6 addresses this issue, demonstrating that females controlled sibling competition in the nest. Experimental temporary removal of mothers led to increased intrabrood aggression and more uneven food distribution in the brood, with larger chicks taking a greater share. The final chapter draws these findings together and the potential for future research is discussed.

学位授与大学：京都大学 ; 取得学位: 博士(工学) ; 学位授与年月日: 2007-09-25 ; 学位の種類: 新制・課程博士 ; 学位記番号: 工博第2847号 ; 請求記号: 新制/工/1419 ; 整理番号: 25532 / Kyoto University (京都大学) / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(工学) / 甲第13376号 / 工博第2847号 / 新制||工||1419(附属図書館) / 25532 / UT51-2007-Q777 / 京都大学大学院工学研究科都市社会工学専攻 / (主査)教授 岡田 憲夫, 教授 小林 潔司, 教授 多々納 裕一 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当

The Falklands Conflict has always loomed large throughout my adult life. As a young man of 19 years old, I watched the television and read the newspapers with the same degree of excitement and fascination as most of the British population. In the following year, as a direct result of the passion and glory that surrounded the war I joined the British Army as a Royal Military Policeman. It quickly became apparent to myself, if not the military, that this was a poor career choice and that I was never cut out to be a soldier. After a military career lasting no more than a few weeks I went to college and started life as a photographer, joining the Ministry of Defence in the late 1980s. Since then, I have made numerous visits to the Falkland Islands to publicise the work of the soldiers who now defend the islands from any threat of re-invasion. Looking back, it seems that the war was over remarkably quickly, and by modern standards, where the war in Afghanistan is projected to last anything between 10 and 20 years, it was. It has often been described as Britain's last colonial war, the last in a long line of small conflicts that expanded and defended the British Empire. Attitudes to war in the South Atlantic developed in a bubble of patriotism and jingoism that has not been seen since and such attitudes now seem to be forged in imperialism, in a time long past and no longer available to representatives of British culture. However, on a wider stage, the representation of all wars and the men who fight in them has a long history. Each culture has its own way of coming to terms with conflict and death, but in the western world, the origins of the representation of the warrior can be traced back to the Ancient Greeks in general, and Homer in particular. Dr. Jonathan Shay, a psychiatrist with the United States Department of Veteran Affairs has made a compelling argument that breaking the Greek covenant has had lasting implications for the veterans of the Vietnam War. (Shay 1995) This psychoanalytical work has helped provide a model of representation that explains why soldiers are portrayed in the way they are. Without the work of Dr. Shay, I am sure that this thesis would not have taken the course that it has. In pursuing this thesis I have had to accept that there may be implications, perceived or real, for my ongoing work as photographer with the Ministry of Defence. The MoD has in various measures supported this research and to date has made no attempt to direct its course or influence the findings; in fact, at the point of submission, they are unaware of its contents. It is clear, that in this type of research, not all the findings will reflect well on the MoD's past or current working practices, but I believe it is possible for it to learn from the results. My position as an MoD photographer has on the other hand had a positive benefit on the research: I have been able to gain access to archives that have remained closed to others. Hilary Roberts, Head of Photography Collections at the Imperial War Museum, has been very influential in this work and has given me more co-operation and trust than I could have hoped for. She has also allowed me more time to present this work than I could have dared asked for given the nature of the images found in the IWM archive, and that the research spanned the 25 th anniversary celebrations. I remain grateful to Hilary for her unstinting support. Finally, I would like to thank Dr lan Walker for his support and supervisor expertise over far too may years. He has read and re-read this work more times than I care to remember and has remained perennially patient with my inabilities to either type or spell, a problem that has made his job all the more difficult. The research and the writing faltered on several occasions, some more serious than others, but without his skill in getting me to do things that, quite frankly, I really did not want to do, this project would never have been completed. It is to Ian that I hold the deepest debt of gratitude.

Magister Psychologiae - MPsych / Women's roles in the workplace have increased but expectations within their family roles have not diminished. Work-family conflict (WFC) occurs when work and family roles are mutually incompatible in some respect. Mothers' representations of their own particular personal contexts seem largely absent from the cultural iconography and so motivations for the study included bringing to light the phenomenological experiences of contemporary full-time working mothers by developing a rich description of their lived experience. These ideas have not been widely explored in South Africa. The study aimed to explore how full-time working mothers experience work-family conflict, including how they conceptualise their dual roles, how salient each role is to them, the factors in the work and family domains which are particularly pertinent for them and any coping strategies they might employ. The study used as a theoretical framework the model of work-family conflict developed by Greenhaus and Beutell in 1985, together with an extension from the work of Amstad, Meier, Fasel, Elfering and Semmer in 2011. The study used a phenomenological methodology. Eight middle-class, professional, full-time working mothers from the Southern Suburbs and City Bowl of Cape Town were interviewed individually, using a semi-structured interview schedule. A qualitative paradigm was used to analyse the interviews. Emotional and cognitive repercussions of WFC were many, including feelings of unsustainability. Some participants acknowledged a need to compromise in order to cope, but the current normative messages are not conducive to this. Participants aspire, not to stop working, because the role of worker is regarded as important for self-definition, but to reduce their overall load. The generalisability of this study was reduced because of its localised ambit, its small size and some similarities in socio-economic profile among the participants. Future studies could further explore the choices or strategies which are successful in reducing WFC.

The aim of this study was to explore the relationship between work-family conflict, stress and burnout among South African Social Security Agency (SASSA) employees. For this purpose data was collected from the SASSA agency offices in Alice, King Williams Town and East London. A sample of 72 agency employees was drawn from the population. Results of the study indicated that the study variables are significantly positively correlated with one another. Work family conflict was found to be significantly positively correlated with stress. Stress was also found to be significantly positively correlated with burnout. A significant positive relationship was also found to exist between work family conflict and burnout. The findings of this study are helpful in the social security agency industry in order to design human resources policies which will reduce turnover of agency employees by reducing stress, work family conflict and burnout among the agency employees.

Refusing to participate in war does not only mean refusing to serve in the military. For many conscientious objectors, it means refusing to pay taxes that directly support the military industrial complex. Conscientious tax objectors risk many punishments by withholding tax money that supports war. Politico-social conflicts exist between a citizen's legal obligation to pay taxes and the personal obligation to her/his moral beliefs. My research suggests that the Religious Freedom Peace Tax Fund Act (RFPTFA) may be one transformative agent for this conflict. Through examination of relevant case law, statutes, conflict transformation literature, and interviews with conscientious tax objectors, my investigation concludes that members of the conscientious tax objector movement disagree on the merits of RFPTFA. My research suggests that until these various intermovement factions enter into consensus-building dialogue, conscientious tax objection will remain a mere symbolic method of pacifism rather than a powerful tool in the art of peacebuilding.

In this paper, I put to test Homer-Dixon’s theory which suggest that Environmental resource scarcity, can singly or in collaboration with other factors such as lack of local institutions and poverty work to produce violence due to competition. I start by analyzing a case study of Pokot-Turkana Conflict from 1969-1984. Using available literature, I discuss various motives of raiding by these two groups. And to further test Homer-Dixon’s theory, I analyze a non-violence case study on the Ethiopia-Somali region where agro-pastoralist in the Yarer and Daketa valley cooperate with visiting pastoralists during droughts. The leading question is, Given that both of these case studies take place in areas prone to scarcity of resources and both residents have access to illegal firearms and lack government control, why then are the Pokot and Turkana fighting and raiding each other, while the residents of Ethiopia- Somali region share and cooperate during droughts?