No abstract included. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

There is a growing concern among both scholars and laymen for the diminishing resources of the world. This thesis examines the political geographic implications of transnational resource management. The hypothesis is a dual one: firstly, that man's past and present uses of transnational resources have led, in some cases, to the necessity for international political control, and secondly, that problems related to transnational resource management have been, for the most part, ignored by political geographers, but should be the subject of future research. The use of three transnational resources is reviewed: the blue whale, the North Pacific salmon, and the polar bear. Through an examination of the past uses of the blue whale, and the International Whaling Commission's lack of legislative powers, a case is built supporting the hypothesis. This case is further supported by the past uses of the North Pacific salmon, and the on-going dispute between the American and Japanese governments. Lastly, the Federal Provincial authority established to regulate the hunting of polar bear adds further support to the hypothesis. A brief look back into the discipline establishes this thesis as part of the environmental concerns within geography, and the material presented in the text clearly shows the political geographic implications of the problems of transnational resource management. The results of the inquiry would suggest that there is a need for further political geographic research on similar topics, and that man's past and present uses of transnational resources have, in fact, led to the necessity for international political control for these resources at least. There is, however, no claim made to the feasibility of such an international authority. The urgency for enforceable legislation is, nevertheless, clearly evident. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

The goal of this thesis is to document and explain the evolution and development of international health collaboration. Utilizing international relations theory, the initial development of the health regulatory regime is traced through the early sanitary conferences. The establishment of international health organizations is then documented, along with the transformation this entailed in international health collaboration. The resulting effect the institutionalization of the international health regime had upon international health collaboration is finally presented. It is determined that states initial interest in international health collaboration grew out of a concern for reducing the impediments to international trade and commerce that quarantine measures imposed. States were, at first, reluctant to collaborate, but as scientific knowledge increased, international cooperation in this area expanded. Realizing the benefits of joint technical cooperation, states formed international organizations. The special characteristics of international health under the guiding influence of medical specialists were to cause an evolution within this regime. Collaboration in this area has greatly increased. The primary concern of the international health regime is no longer the containment of pestilent diseases without significant interference to international commerce. This regime is now concerned with improving the level of health care to all states, regardless of the effects this might have on the interests of the developed states. Technical cooperation and aid to developing countries is now the central focus of the World Health Organization. This evolution has not occurred without some degree of conflict, however, as it is the developing states and the medical elites of the organization have forced the evolution of the previous norms of this regime. The developing states have a clear interest in securing assistance in developing their health infrastructures, and the elites of the WHO are committed by nature of their scientific training to work towards this ideal. The developed states are not in favour of this change as it threatens their interests and power within this regime. Although it initially appeared that collaboration in this area would be relatively easy to secure as an improvement in health would be to every state's benefit, this has not always been the case. International relations theory is utilized in this thesis to explain the origins, the obstacles, and the evolution that has occurred within this regime. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

The following three essays present an analysis that combines well-known models of fisheries management with contemporary theories of international trade and industrial organization. The general theme of the thesis is that countries' fisheries management policies can affect the strategic interaction between their fishing industries. The first essay examines the problem of noncooperative management of international fisheries by analyzing the strategic rent-shifting roles for such well-known national management policies as fleet licensing and effort subsidies. It is shown that the noncooperative equilibrium in each policy takes the form of a prisoner's dilemma with dissipated rents in the fishery. It is also shown that strategic effort subsidies can only lead to incomplete rent dissipation but strategic fleet licensing can lead to complete rent dissipation. The second essay develops a theory of cooperative management of international fisheries by considering negotiation between countries over the same fleet licensing and effort subsidy policies considered in the first essay. The outcomes of negotiation over these policies are compared to the corresponding noncooperative outcomes, on the one hand, and to the efficient outcome on the other. It is shown that negotiation over effort subsidies in the absence of side payments is efficient, but negotiation over fleet sizes in the absence of side payments is inefficient. The third essay develops a two-stage two-period model of a 'domestic' country and a 'foreign' country whose respective fishing industries harvest from separate fisheries for the same international market. The domestic country uses a harvest policy to regulate the harvest by its fishing industry, but the harvest by the foreign fishing industry is unregulated. Two types of fisheries are considered. In the case of schooling fisheries, the domestic country may choose a conservative harvest policy in the first period if it can induce the biological collapse of the foreign fishery in the second period. In the case of search fisheries, the domestic country always chooses a conservative harvest policy in the first period in order to induce the economic degradation of the foreign fishery in the second period. The results suggest that international fisheries trade in the presence of divergent national fisheries management regimes could have unexpected consequences for world fisheries. / Arts, Faculty of / Vancouver School of Economics / Graduate

This thesis is an analysis of aspects of international narcotics law enforcement from 1949-1959.

The realist tradition in world politics has long been heralded by statesmen and scholars alike as offering an authentic account of the relations between states. Realists consider self-interest, anarchy, and power politics to guide the behavior of states in the international system. The perception that cooperation and amity are now the norm in the international system has raised the possibility of a theoretical shift of focus in the study of international politics. At present, scholars within the discipline of international politics are debating the relevance of realist thought. In particular, neorealism, or the structural variation of traditional realism, is under attack for not providing a rationale for international cooperation. This project undertakes to expand neorealism's ability to explain state behavior in the area of environmental cooperation. Employing the notion of anarchy as a self-help system, it shall be demonstrated that international environmental agreements appear to be influenced by the distribution of power in the international system. Anarchy mandates the need for state actors to cooperate on certain environmental issues, while that same system dissuades cooperation on a number of other important environmental matters. This thesis critiques the theoretical principles in neorealism and makes moderate changes to them. In keeping with neorealist thought, power, the interests of important states, and the position of the hegemon are considered important factors in understanding environmental cooperation. This project also studies three global environmental issues that provide insight into the rewards and limitations of using neorealism to explain cooperation.

No description available.

The Sustainable Seafood Movement's "theory of change" is predicated on using markets to improve the supply of, demand for and governance of sustainable fisheries. Over four articles, this thesis will examine the implications of this approach. Article I evaluates the cultural model of seafood eco-labelling and demonstrates that while the theory of using market demand to motivate fishery improvements has been a powerful incentive, consumers have had a minimal role in incentivising that change. This is validated through semi-structured consumer interviews and structured surveys (n=196), which indicate consumers' general understanding of sustainability issues. Article II examines the roles of actors in the Sustainable Seafood Movement in facilitating the growth of sustainable seafood products in the supply chain, thus explaining how in the absence of large consumer demand, certified sustainable seafood product offerings have continued to grow. Article III examines the private governance mechanisms that the Sustainable Seafood Movement has established in the supply chain and how these are rivalling, complementing and substituting those of state-led fisheries governance mechanisms. At the same time both private and public governance mechanisms continue to monopolise certain spaces, such as flag state authority. Greater coordination between these two governance systems is needed to facilitate additional sustainability gains and strengthen the resilience of these governance systems. When public and private governance efforts to improve the supply, demand and governance of sustainable seafood are looked as whole, as in Article IV, it is evident that consumers/citizens are minimally engaged. Lack of consumer/citizen engagement could lead to an undervaluing of these governance systems by society. Civic engagement organizations are needed to bridge these systems and facilitate citizen/consumer/steward engagement. Public accountability mechanisms are one means to better engage the public in both governance systems, so that sustainable fisheries are realised by collective engagement of all actors.

Cyberterrorism and cybercrime present new challenges for law enforcement and policy makers. Due to its transnational nature, a real and sound response to such a threat requires international cooperation involving participation of all concerned parties in the international community. However, vulnerability emerges from increased reliance on technology, lack of legal measures, and lack of cooperation at the national and international level represents real obstacle toward effective response to these threats. In sum, lack of global consensus in terms of responding to cyberterrorism and cybercrime is the general problem. Terrorists and cyber criminals will exploit vulnerabilities, including technical, legal, political, and cultural. Such a broad range of vulnerabilities can be dealt with by comprehensive cooperation which requires efforts both at the national and international level. "Vulnerability-Comprehensive Cooperation-Freedom Scale" or "Ozeren Scale" identified variables that constructed the scale based on the expert opinions. Also, the study presented typology of cyberterrorism, which involves three general classifications of cyberterrorism; Disruptive and destructive information attacks, Facilitation of technology to support the ideology, and Communication, Fund raising, Recruitment, Propaganda (C-F-R-P). Such a typology is expected to help those who are in a position of decision-making and investigating activities as well as academicians in the area of terrorism. The matrix for international cooperation and vulnerability assessment is expected to be used as a model for global response to cyberterrorism and cybercrime.

Using the IAEA as a case for focused study, this thesis argues that the construction and reconstruction of the Secretariat’s legitimacy has been dependant upon several different legitimating influences at different stages in the IAEA’s evolution. In brief, it will be demonstrated that early on, in the absence of clear non-proliferation norms, power wielded by critical and self-interested actors functioned as the primary legitimator – promoting early development and insulating the organization from outside pressures. However, based upon this particular case, I will also argue that state power alone is insufficient to guarantee legitimacy and the exercise of international public authority, especially in light of the degree to which these institutions are increasingly expected to challenge the territorial sovereignty of member states. In order for an organization to acquire adequate legitimacy to exercise public authority over the long term, it must develop beyond the point at which state power is instrumental, and assume a degree of organizational autonomy. This happened with the evolution of organizational expertise recognizing the IAEA’s bureaucracy as an authority, development of specific nonproliferation rules and norms that placed the IAEA in authority, and “right” processes within the bureaucracy that reinforced these and other substantive norms, positioning the Secretariat as a trusted agent within international society. Thus, the development of a professional identity, successful norms and rules, and the elaboration of a “right” process were key to the creation of legitimacy, and as a consequence, the Secretariat’s exercise of public authority in support of the safeguards regime.