During the mid to late 1900s many Latin American countries found themselves under the rule of violent military regimes and in civil war. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the atrocities committed in the late 20th century throughout Latin America and to discuss the ways in which these societies, affected by state violence, were able to overcome the past. In this paper, I will look at the purpose of truth and reconciliation commissions and their outcomes in Chile, Argentina, and Guatemala in order to find some similarities and compare and contrast the successes and failures of the different commissions in their respective settings.

A Thesis submitted to The University of Arizona College of Medicine - Phoenix in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Medicine. / Research question: What is the difference in prevalence of LARCs between women living in urban and rural areas of Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC)? Background, significance, and rationale: While LARCs have been shown to be effective, approved for long duration of use, and cost-effective there is an unmet need for this type contraception in rural areas. The LAC region has a need for improved family planning services, evidenced by the high percentage of maternal deaths due to unsafe abortions. Methods: Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) and Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys (MICS) conducted between 2010 and 2015 in LAC countries were reviewed and analyzed to determine difference in prevalence of LARC use between women living in urban versus rural areas. Additionally, a systematic literature review was performed resulting in selection of 11 primary research articles evaluated for LARC prevalence and sociodemographic factors associated with LARC use.

This dissertation proposes that a literary corpus surrounding the configuration of Latin American national subjects conditioned the spatial organization of the region's capital cities. I use novels, manuals of good manners, journal articles, and maps to explain how the normative behaviors prescribed by discourses of political subjectivity gave rise to a fragmented cartography of the city. This cartography served to legitimize the elite's right to governance and limit the participation of those with non-normative identities within the political borders of the national community. Although this dissertation mainly concentrates on the spatial relations of power and domination that emerged from the construction of an ideal model of citizenship, it also explores the way subaltern peoples resisted their place in the city by claiming urban space for their own cultural practices.

Background: Chronic Kidney Disease (CKD) is a worldwide public health problem. There are few studies in Latin America, especially in primary care settings. Our objective was to determine the prevalence, stages, and associated factors of CKD in primary care setting. Methods: We did a retrospective secondary analysis of a database from the Diabetes and Hypertension Primary Care Center of the Peruvian Social Security System (EsSalud) in Lima, Peru. We defined CKD as the presence of eGFR <60 mL/min and/or albuminuria >30 mg/day in 24 h, according to Kidney Disease: Improving Global Outcomes (KDIGO). Factors associated with CKD were evaluated with Poisson Regression models; these factors included age, gender, type 2 diabetes mellitus (DM2), hypertension (HTN), body mass index (BMI), and uric acid. Associations were described as crude and adjusted prevalence ratios (PR) and their 95% confidence intervals (95% CI). Results: We evaluated 1211 patients (women [59%], mean age 65.8 years [SD: 12.7]). Prevalence of CKD was 18%. Using the estimated glomerular filtration rate (eGFR), the prevalence was 9.3% (95% CI 5.3 – 13.3) in patients without HTN or DM2; 20.2% (95% CI 17.6 – 22.8) in patients with HTN, and 23.9% (95% CI 19.4 – 28.4) in patients with DM2. The most common stages were 1 and 2 with 41.5% and 48%, respectively. Factors associated with CKD in the adjusted analysis were: age in years (PR = 1.03, 95% CI 1.01 – 1.04), DM2 (PR = 3.37, 95% CI 1.09 – 10.39), HTN plus DM2 (PR = 3.90, 95% CI 1.54 – 9.88), and uric acid from 5 to <7 mg/dL (PR = 2.04, 95% CI 1.31 – 3.19) and ≥7 mg/dL (PR = 5.19, 95% CI 3.32 – 8.11). Conclusions: Prevalence of CKD in the primary care setting population was high. CKD is more frequent in the early stages of the disease, and individuals with hypertension, DM2, older age and hyperuricemia have higher prevalence of CKD.

Objective: To evaluate associations between anxiety and severe impairment of quality of life (QoL) in Latin American postmenopausal women. Methods: This was a secondary analysis of a multicenter cross-sectional study among postmenopausal women aged 40 to 59 from 11 Latin American countries. We evaluated anxiety (The Goldberg Depression and Anxiety Scale), and QoL (Menopause Rating Scale [MRS]), and included sociodemographic, clinical, lifestyle, and anthropometric variables in the analysis. Poisson family generalized linear models with robust standard errors were used to estimate prevalence ratios (PRs) and 95% CIs. There were two adjusted models: a statistical model that included variables associated with the outcomes in bivariate analyses, and an epidemiologic model that included potentially confounding variables from literature review. Results: Data from 3,503 women were included; 61.9% had anxiety (Goldberg). Severe QoL impairment (total MRS score >=17) was present in 13.7% of women, as well as severe symptoms (MRS subscales): urogenital (25.5%), psychological (18.5%), and somatic (4.5%). Anxiety was independently associated with severe QoL impairment and severe symptoms in the epidemiological (MRS total score: PR 3.6, 95% CI, 2.6-5.0; somatic: 5.1, 95% CI, 2.6-10.1; psychological: 2.8, 95% CI, 2.2-3.6; and urogenital: 1.4, 95% CI, 1.2-1.6) and the statistical model (MRS total score: PR 3.5, 95% CI, 2.6-4.9; somatic: 5.0, 95% CI, 2.5-9.9; psychological: 2.9, 95% CI, 2.2-3.7; and urogenital: 1.4; 95% CI, 1.2-1.6). Conclusions: In this postmenopausal Latin American sample, anxiety was independently associated with severe QoL impairment. Hence, screening for anxiety in this population is important.

Background Latin America is undergoing a human resource crisis in health care in terms of labor shortage, misdistribution and poor orientation to primary care. Workforce data are needed to inform the planning of long-term strategies to address this problem. This study aimed to evaluate the academic and motivational profile, as well as the professional expectations, of Latin American medical students. Results We conducted an observational, cross-sectional, multi-country study evaluating medical students from 11 Spanish-speaking countries in 2011–2012. Motivations to study medicine, migration intentions, intent to enter postgraduate programs, and perceptions regarding primary care were evaluated via a self-administered questionnaire. Outcomes were measured with pilot-tested questions and previously validated scales. A total of 11,072 valid surveys from 63 medical schools were gathered and analyzed. Conclusions This study describes the profile and expectations of the future workforce being trained in Latin America. The obtained information will be useful for governments and universities in planning strategies to improve their current state of affairs regarding human resources for health care professions.

Magister Legum - LLM / The end of Apartheid and the transition to a new constitutional democracy in South Africa was ushered in by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). The purpose of the TRC was to promote a dialogue between victims and perpetrators of gross human rights violations to try and achieve reconciliation in the country. To this end, the TRC was given the power to grant conditional amnesty to those who came forward to reveal the full truth to the country about the crimes that they had committed. Those who refused to apply for amnesty or who did apply but were denied amnesty were supposed to be prosecuted. A number of years have passed since the final TRC report was submitted and hardly any prosecutions have taken place. This paper argues, by comparing the transitions in Argentina and Chile to the one in South Africa, that the lack of post-Truth Commission prosecutions in South Africa has contributed to nurturing a culture of impunity for acts of corruption in high offices of state. It argues that in countries transitioning from repressive and authoritarian regimes to democratic governments, prosecutions of gross human rights violations are necessary for the creation and strengthening of the rule of law and a human rights culture. Therefore, the impunity for economic crimes such as corruption is detrimental to democracy.

Beginning in the late 1970s, with the onset of the third wave of democratization, a host of new conservative parties emerged in Latin America. The trajectories of these parties varied tremendously. While some went on to enjoy long-term electoral success, others failed to take root. The most successful new conservative parties all shared a surprising characteristic: they had deep roots in former dictatorships. They were "authoritarian successor parties," or parties founded by high-level incumbents of authoritarian regimes that continue to operate after a transition to democracy. What explains variation in conservative party-building outcomes in Latin America since the onset of the third wave, and why were the most successful new conservative parties also authoritarian successor parties? This study answers these questions by developing a theory of "authoritarian inheritance." It argues that, paradoxically, close links to former dictatorships may, under some circumstances, be the key to party-building success. This is because authoritarian successor parties sometimes inherit resources from the old regime that are useful under democracy. The study examines five potential resources: party brand, territorial organization, clientelistic networks, business connections and a source of cohesion rooted in a history of joint struggle. New conservative parties that lack such inheritance face a more daunting task. Such parties may have better democratic credentials, but they are likely to have worse democratic prospects. This argument is developed through an analysis of four parties: Chile's Independent Democratic Union (UDI), Argentina's Union of the Democratic Center (UCEDE), El Salvador's Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA) and Guatemala's Party of National Advancement (PAN). Drawing on interview and archival data gathered during 15 months of fieldwork in five countries, this study contributes to three literatures. First, as the first book-length comparison of conservative parties in Latin America, it contributes to the literature on Latin American politics. Second, by developing a new theory of how successful new parties may emerge--the theory of authoritarian inheritance--it contributes to the literature on party-building. Third, by developing the concept of authoritarian successor parties, it sheds light on a common but underappreciated vestige of authoritarian rule and, in this way, contributes to the literature on regimes. / Government

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