Orientador: Nora Rut Krawczyk / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T11:11:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 InzunzaHigueras_JorgeLuis_D.pdf: 3292170 bytes, checksum: f0102b266aa55873a4d125e11b448aeb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: A presente pesquisa procura identificar e analisar os processos de circulação e regulação de políticas na América Latina, durante a década de 1990, associados às reformas educacionais do Chile. Examinamos os mecanismos e dinâmicas de propagação desses conhecimentos através de diversas instâncias: organismos não governamentais, governos, organismos internacionais e redes. Analisamos os antecedentes históricos, sociais e políticos que ajudam a compreender a permanente inovação chilena, ao longo do século XX, no desenvolvimento de políticas educacionais. Nessa perspectiva, apresentamos a condição de "laboratório de políticas educacionais" do Chile como um elemento relevante para explicar seu lugar de referência na região. Identificamos duas ondas de reformas político-educacionais no Chile após o golpe de Estado de 1973, uma de ordem neoliberal, ocorrida no período da ditadura militar (1973-1990), e outra de tipo reformista conservador a partir da restauração democrática nos anos 1990. Os conhecimentos produzidos nessas ondas de políticas se amalgamaram em sua disseminação regional, não sendo fácil estabelecer uma diferenciação entre eles. Destacamos a participação central de redes de políticas, formadas por uma geração de tecnocratas, especialistas, fazedores de políticas e pesquisadores nas décadas de 1970 e 1980, em ações de análise, circulação e disseminação. Essas redes desempenharam um papel fundamental na nova governança, isto é, na regulação de políticas através de um conhecimento originado em redes regionais/transnacionais. Também examinamos as principais políticas chilenas em circulação durante a década de 1990 ¿ focadas no âmbito da ação afirmativa, informática, avaliação padronizada de aprendizagem e fundos competitivos de desenvolvimento ¿, propondo uma leitura de sua relevância para a regulação de políticas da região. A relação entre as políticas educacionais chilenas (com seus formuladores e gestores) e os organismos de financiamento internacional, especialmente o Banco Mundial, ocupa uma posição de destaque nesta pesquisa. Essa relação foi complementar. Por um lado, após a ditadura, procurou-se promover governabilidade interna no Chile, com o apoio do Banco Mundial, uma entidade internacional detentora de uma aura neutra. Por outro, para o Banco Mundial, o Chile significou a possibilidade de acesso ao laboratório neoliberal com a experiência acumulada de quase uma década de implantação; com isso, o banco obteve conhecimento que começou rapidamente a se espalhar para incentivar o início de reformas e políticas na América Latina. A metodologia de pesquisa incluiu entrevistas que fizemos com destacados fazedores de políticas do Chile, Argentina, Paraguai e Brasil, além de funcionários de organismos como o Banco Mundial, Banco Interamericano de Desenvolvimento, Organização das Nações Unidas para a Educação, a Ciência e Cultura (UNESCO) e Programa de Promoção da Reforma Educacional na América Latina (PREAL). Também analisamos material de arquivo do governo chileno (Ministério da Educação, Ministério das Relações Exteriores, Agência de Cooperação Internacional) e do Banco Mundial relacionado ao desenvolvimento de projetos do setor educacional no Chile e na América Latina durante a década de 1990 / Abstract: This research seeks to identify and analyze the processes of circulation and regulation of policies in Latin America. Our perspective specifically focuses on the circulation of Chilean educational reforms during the 1990s, and we examine the mechanisms and dynamics of the spread of knowledge through various instances: non-governmental organizations, governments, international organizations and networks. We analyze the social, historical and political backgrounds that help us to understand the permanent innovation of that country during the twentieth century in developing educational policies. From this outlook, the present Chilean condition as a "laboratory of educational policies" is a relevant factor in explaining the reference point occupied by this country in Latin America. We identified two waves of political educational reforms in Chile after the coup of 1973: a neoliberal order given during the military dictatorship (1973-1990); and a conservative reform from the democratic restoration in 1990. The knowledge produced about these policy waves coalesced in their regional spread, not easily discernible to differentiate. We highlight the essential participation of policy networks, shaped by a generation of technocrats, experts, policy makers and researchers in the 1970s and 1980s, into shares of analysis, circulation and dissemination of educational policies. These networks played a key role in the new governance, by the regulation of policies through knowledge that originated in regional and transnational networks. We also examined the main outstanding Chilean policies during the 1990s. These policies focused on the scope of affirmative action, information and communication technology, high stakes standardized tests, and competitive development funds. We propose an analysis of its relevance for the regulation of regional policies. The relationship between the Chilean educational policies (and their formulators and managers) and international funding agencies, especially the World Bank, occupies a prominent position in this research. This relationship was complementary. On one hand, Chile was intended to foster internal post-dictatorship governance with the support of the World Bank, an international entity entrusted with a neutral aura. On the other hand, Chile for the World Bank meant being able to access the neoliberal laboratory. Chile seemed a great opportunity, considering its experience of nearly a decade of deployment of neoliberal policies. The World Bank got knowledge of it, and started quickly to spread it to encourage the initiation of reforms and policies in the Latin American region. The research methodology included conducting interviews with prominent policymakers in Chile, Argentina, Paraguay and Brazil, as well as employees of organizations like the World Bank, Inter-American Development Bank, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and the Program for Promotion of Educational Reform in Latin America (PREAL). Also we examined archival material from the Chilean government (Ministry of Education, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and International Cooperation Agency) and World Bank projects related to the development of the education sector in Chile and Latin America during the 1990s / Doutorado / Ciencias Sociais na Educação / Doutor em Educação

Orientador: Elide Rugai Bastos / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T03:09:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Simoes_JoaoFranciscodeOliveira_M.pdf: 631311 bytes, checksum: 2aab26dd9b8071490b9114d72d8730d3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: Esta dissertação busca analisar de maneira comparativa os livros Casa-grande & senzala e Radiografía de la pampa, escrito pelo brasileiro Gilberto Freyre e pelo argentino Ezequiel Martínez Estrada. A intenção é compreender as interpretações histórico-sociais dos dois autores que feitas através de análises sociológicas conseguiram englobar os problemas específicos de seus países, ao mesmo tempo em que possibilitam uma reflexão sobre o continente latino-americano como um todo. A comparação será feita a partir de temáticas em comum existentes nos dois ensaios, apresentando as condições históricas, políticas e culturais no Brasil e na Argentina nos anos de 1920-30. A dissertação centra-se em Casa-grande & senzala e Radiografía de la pampa, o que não impede que outras obras de Freyre e Estrada sejam, ocasionalmente, utilizadas durante o desenvolvimento da análise / Abstract: The goal of this paper is to establish a comparative analysis of Casa-grande & senzala, by the brazilian Gilberto Freyre, and Radiografía de la pampa, written by the argentinian Ezequiel Martínez Estrada. The aim is to understand the social and historical interpretations that both authors managed to established, through sociological analysis, of the specific problems relating to each of their countries, as well as Latin America as a whole. The comparison will be established based on common themes presented by both pieces, presenting the historical, political and cultural realities of Brazil and Argentina in the 1920-30s. Although this paper concerns itself specifically with Casa-grande & senzala and Radiografía de la pampa, other works by Freyre and Estrada may, eventually, be referred to during the course of this analysis / Mestrado / Mestre em Sociologia

Submitted by Biblioteca Central (biblioteca@unicap.br) on 2018-08-29T17:58:34Z No. of bitstreams: 2 sandro_sebastiao_filho_silva.pdf: 692378 bytes, checksum: b54f8d3943c6444e0fb1f0646b3cec7d (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-29T17:58:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 sandro_sebastiao_filho_silva.pdf: 692378 bytes, checksum: b54f8d3943c6444e0fb1f0646b3cec7d (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-27 / The research's objective is to analyze the political character of faith, in the evangelizing action, as a transforming social element, based on the principles of the Church's Social Teaching. Through these, we offer answers to the various challenges – political, economic, social, environmental and religious - that are presented to human and Christian life, regarding to the construction of a better world for the very edification of the human being. The perspective that permeates this work lies in the person of the Christian believer, possessing two dimensions, faith and politics, as critiques of each other, and at the same time, when articulated, offer the transforming witness that the common good is possible. The practical attitude of the believer finds support in the teachings and attitudes of his Master, Jesus of Nazareth. His teachings are brought to man through evangelization which becomes his own way of learning and conversion to an attitude of renewing faith in life in its most varied instances. / Nosso objetivo nesta pesquisa é analisar o caráter político da fé, na ação evangelizadora, como elemento sócio transformador, a partir dos princípios do Ensino Social da Igreja. Através destes, apresentamos respostas aos vários desafios – políticos, econômico, sociais, ambientais e religiosos – que são apresentados à vida humana e cristã, no que diz respeito à construção de um mundo melhor para a própria edificação do ser humano. A perspectiva que perpassa este trabalho está na pessoa do crente cristão, possuidor de duas dimensões, a fé e a política, como críticas e complementação uma da outra, e ao mesmo tempo, quando articuladas, oferecem o testemunho transformador de que o bem comum é possível. A atitude prática do cristão encontra respaldo nos ensinamentos e atitudes de seu Mestre, Jesus de Nazaré. Seus ensinos são trazidos ao homem mediante a evangelização que se torna o caminho próprio de aprendizagem e conversão para uma atitude de fé renovadora da vida nas suas mais variadas instâncias.

No description available.

This study attempts to examine the international debt crisis in the 1980s from a primarily political perspective, to permit a greater understanding of the interaction between economics and politics in the course of crisis management The process of dealing with the current international debt crisis provides an pat case for investigation of how economic concerns affect political outcomes, and how political factors influence economic outcomes, and how political factors influence economic policies. This study concentrates on the two regions of Latin America and Eastern Europe where the debt crisis started. The study emphasizes that the international debt crisis started. The study emphasizes that the international debt problem has been increasingly politicized in the contemporary international relations, and that its solution, in addition to the economic aspects, calls for political willingness by all parties concerned.

No description available.

The internationalization research domain has predominantly focused on country level antecedents of firm level decisions, with particular emphasis on why certain countries are selected over others for foreign direct investment (FDI). This approach may oversimplify what actually occurs from both practical and research perspectives. Recently, MNE strategic orientation and conduct, as an outflow of a region-based localization perspective (i.e.,semiglobalization), has gained increased scholarly attention. The tradition of considering country level institutional environments may be more robustly informed by extending a paradigm which considers region-based institutions, in addition to country. Thus, in this study I examine institutional effects, as underpinned by institutional theory, on one segment of FDI decision making, cross-border acquisitions behavior, in an understudied context, Latin American MNEs (i.e., Multilatinas). Linear and mixed regression are used to test hypotheses, by examining a sample of all Multilatina CBAs exacted over a five year period (2007-2011)in targeting host country firms within eight geographic regions. Multilevel study results provide overarching support for hypotheses, that a Multilatina's internationalization into a country and region through cross-border acquisition equity participation is influenced by both country and region institutional environments. Contributions are made to the semiglobalization, cross-border acquisitions, institutions, and Multilatina literature streams through development of a more robust, multilevel perspective which more accurately captures how MNEs consider institutional environments in their international strategy and conduct.

Many scholars claim that Pentecostalism is the fastest growing religious phenomenon in human history. Using two important essays of Max Weber as a foundation, this thesis examines whether growth of Pentecostalism in Latin America is promoting the Protestant Ethic described by Weber as well as Social Capital and Spiritual Capital. Analyzing data from the World Values Survey, this thesis argues that growth of Pentecostalism in Latin America is not creating a new Protestant Ethic among its followers, nor is Pentecostalism creating any greater Social Capital or Spiritual Capital among its followers when compared to other religious groups in the region. This thesis argues that the strong emotional character of Pentecostalism weighs against the creation or Social Capital and Spiritual Capital and that the tendency of Pentecostals to find assurance of their salvation in emotional experience does not promote the frugality or rationalization of work necessary for the Protestant Ethic.

BACKGROUND: Uruguay exhibits one of the highest rates of breast cancer in Latin America, similar to those of developed nations, the reasons for which are not completely understood. In this study we investigated the effect that ancestral background has on breast cancer susceptibility among Uruguayan women. METHODS: We carried out a case-control study of 328 (164 cases, 164 controls) women enrolled in public hospitals and private clinics across the country. We estimated ancestral proportions using a panel of nuclear and mitochondrial ancestry informative markers (AIMs) and tested their association with breast cancer risk. RESULTS: Nuclear individual ancestry in cases was (mean ± SD) 9.8 ± 7.6% African, 13.2 ± 10.2% Native American and 77.1 ± 13.1% European, and in controls 9.1 ± 7.5% African, 14.7 ± 11.2% Native American and 76.2 ± 14.2% European. There was no evidence of a difference in nuclear or mitochondrial ancestry between cases and controls. However, European mitochondrial haplogroup H was associated with breast cancer (OR = 2.0; 95% CI 1.1, 3.5). CONCLUSIONS: We have not found evidence that overall genetic ancestry differs between breast cancer patients and controls in Uruguay but we detected an association of the disease with a European mitochondrial lineage, which warrants further investigation.

This thesis focuses on whether protest affects the levels of repression in electoral democracies and, if so, in what manner. After an overview of the literature, Chapter 2 contains an empirical analysis of the relationship between protest and repression at a global level, using a dataset of 71 democracies over 10 years. The results point to a positive association between protest and repression that is driven primarily by post-1974 democracies. The chapter then develops a theoretical model of the costs and benefits accruing to a democratic leader when deciding whether to repress a protest. The model yields a number of testable hypotheses about which factors will affect the likelihood that repression will be chosen, which are then tested for using cross-national and sub-national data. The impact of constitutional constraints is examined first using the cross-national dataset, which reveals that executives in new democracies centralise power in response to protest. Chapter 4 is a quantitative study of the 27 Brazilian states over a 9-year period using data on the repression of land protesters and political variables. The results indicate that governors with precarious political positions are less likely to promote repressive policing strategies. Chapter 5 uses data drawn from five Brazilian national newspapers to identify whether under-reporting of land protest events might contribute to the level of state repression. Chapter 6 is a qualitative comparison of two states – São Paulo and Pará – and suggests that while tight political control over the police explains repression in the former, the unaccountability of the police and the ideology of the main opposition parties in the state assembly may explain why the latter has a much higher level of repression than would be predicted by political factors alone. Chapter 7 revisits the cross-national dataset of 71 democracies to test whether additional determinants of repression identified in Chapter 6 have an effect at the global level.