Representation of women in the lowest floor of Czech politics (the smallest municipalities) is percent higher than representation of women in the highest elected political office at the central level. There is a rule: the higher function, the smaller the percentage of women. This thesis focuses on reciprocal proportion between power importance of the political function and the percentage of women engaged in political office. The thesis search for answer to the question: What are the reasons of the reciprocal proportion between power importance of political function and the percentage of men and women who perform a given function? The goal of the thesis is find why the women are represented in the functions of the lower floors of politics more than the upper floors.

This diploma thesis deals with civil society in three chosen parts of Prague, the capital city of the Czech Republic. It deals also with civic involvement and political participation of its Citizen and their motivation for that. Thesis aims to show that civil society is not so weak as it is always supposed for post-communist states and it shows that Citizen of Prague are able for mobilization and political participation. The thesis presents the overview of the development of voter turnout in the Czech Republic in different types of elections, in the rate of voter participation and civic activities and citizenship initiatives. Civic and political involvement and motivation are identified through interview made with district councilors in three chosen parts of Prague.

This diploma thesis deals with civil society in three chosen parts of Prague, the capital city of the Czech Republic. It deals also with civic involvement and political participation of its Citizen and their motivation for that. Thesis aims to show that civil society is not so weak as it is always supposed for post-communist states and it shows that Citizen of Prague are able for mobilization and political participation. The thesis presents the overview of the development of voter turnout in the Czech Republic in different types of elections, in the rate of voter participation and civic activities and citizenship initiatives. Civic and political involvement and motivation are identified through interview made with active people form civic association and district councilors in three chosen parts of Prague.

Thesis advisor: Lisa S. Cahill / The dissertation draws upon African and Christian ethics as well as on African women's experiences of resistance to violations of their human dignity and womanhood. It takes a theological approach drawing on resources including African women’s theology, Jon Sobrino, Emmanuel Katongole, and Catholic social teaching. An important lens for diagnosing the problems faced by women in Sub-Saharan Africa is Engelbert Mveng’s concept of “anthropological poverty.” This concept refers to the multiple aspects of the loss of dignity resulting from slavery and colonialism; a basic argument of this dissertation is that anthropological poverty affects women in unique ways, that are exacerbated by religious and cultural histories of oppression of women. To address this situation, I will advocate for an interplay between the sacredness of life of every individual that is a salient principle of Christian ethics and the collective consciousness of solidarity that is distinctive of African cultures. The dissertation uses the narratives of abuse of women from the Democratic Republic of Congo that mirror those of Sub-Saharan African women more generally. It argues that these abuses impoverish women not only economically but also and especially anthropologically. While anthropological poverty is rooted in the history of slavery and colonization of African nations, it continues to be worsened by an intermingling of androcentric Christian views with the cultural patriarchal gender biases which significantly shape women's identity and women’s roles in society. Another factor that worsens women's anthropological poverty is sexual violence, especially rape used as a weapon of war. The dissertation argues that the Catholic social teaching's discourse of the preferential option for the poor overlooks the ways these factors doubly impoverish women and obstruct their political participation in society. The Church's teaching tends to focus on economic over anthropological poverty. The dissertation undertakes the task of moral imagination using narrative criticism as a method of biblical exegesis. It assesses the foundations of the political participation of women in African traditions and Scriptures, using the feminist biblical lens of Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, "discipleship of equals." Through a "sophialogical" hermeneutic, the dissertation identifies the epistemology that arises from women's resistance to anthropological poverty. From the perspectives of Latin American liberation theology and a political theology of hope for Africa, it theorizes that the passion of anger offers a particular epistemology of liberation, and can become a praiseworthy and effective means of women’s social participation when it is solidaristic and resistant. The dissertation concludes by assessing the extent to which Catholic social teaching on the preferential option for the poor lacks an adequate analysis of women's specific poverty. The option for the poor needs to regard women's suffering and responses to suffering as loci theologici. This option needs to consider the "conative interruption" dimension of anger that women's narratives disclose as a sign of the times. The dissertation resolves that the Christian virtues of fortitude and prudence need to be rearticulated in the contexts of grave abuses of womanhood, connecting them to solidaristic and resistant anger through which women's sacredness of life can be significantly ennobled. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2020. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Theology.

In many states, outdated rules and regulations restrict nurse practitioners (NPs) from practicing to their full potential, often limiting patients’ access to primary care. Modernizing NP state scope of practice laws and allowing patients greater access to NPs services is a priority. Unlike other professions, nurse practitioners have been unable to consistently influence legislative changes to health policy. This study examined the political efficacy and participation of nurse practitioners in the United States today (N=632). A descriptive cross sectional design, in conjunction with a political efficacy framework, evaluated nurse practitioners’ participation in political activities and their internal and external political efficacy. Increased internal political efficacy was significantly (p < 0.001) associated with NPs who were older, had specific health policy education, and have been mentored in health policy. Our findings show that NPs vote at consistently higher rates (94%) than the general population and almost 50% report contacting legislators via mail/email/phone. As a group however, NPs report limited participation in other political activities, especially grassroots efforts. These findings hold significant implications for the profession as we strive to make policy changes across the country. It is important that educators assess our current methods of educating NPs about politics and health policy. Professional organizations and policy makers must reexamine outreach and strategies to inspire greater grassroots engagement of NPs.

Previous studies show that corruption despite being forgotten by scientist yet occupies a significant role in the minds of people across the world. Furthermore, studies indicate that corruption plays an important role in defining human well-being, trust and democratic participation. This study seeks to measure to what extent corruption impacts political participation and trust in politicians, while controlling for unemployment and educational level. Aiming to measure how corruption affects the ability to maintain a healthy and well-functioning democracy. The drawn conclusion is that control of corruption has a positive effect on both political participation and trust in politicians.

Nurses have a professional, ethical, and social responsibility to advocate for optimal healthcare and an optimal professional environment. However, nurses often default on that responsibility. Leadership at a national nursing organization's state affiliate (SNO) perceived a need to optimize its members' policy advocacy. To meet that need, the Policy Advocacy Toolkit for Nurses (PATN) was developed for this doctoral project. The evidence-based PATN relied on established theories and frameworks, notably Knowles' adult education theory and Kingdon's multiple streams approach; research specific to this project; evidence from other researchers, healthcare organizations, and government websites; and input from a statistician, nursing education experts, and SNO personnel. The PATN's creation had 2 research questions. The first research question asked what SNO members' motivators and barriers to advocacy were. Chi square tests of survey results addressing this issue found significant relationships between advocacy levels and perceived speaking skills (χ2[4, N = 176] = 30.435, p = .000), understanding of SNO's daily advocacy activities (χ2[4, N = 176] = 17.814, p=.001), and understanding of policy creation (χ2[4, N = 176] = 33.830, p = .000). The second research question asked if the PATN's design was significantly improved after incorporating SNO design-stakeholders' input. A paired sample t test revealed no significant difference (p>.05) in the PATN with the stakeholders' input added. Details for evaluating the PATN's sustained effect on political astuteness, as offered in this doctoral project, were provided to the SNO. The PATN, evidence-based and built on the perceived needs of its intended users, should promote positive social change by promoting nurse advocacy.

The increase in voluntary activities in both public and private sectors of the U.S.A. has begun to make it clear that information is needed concerning models for new or different ways of working with people in volunteer agencies. This study attempted to develop a model for a Human Resource Center for Voluntarism which began with three objectives. They were to: 1. stimulate and/or provide avenues for closer working relationships among existing agencies and organizations involving volunteers, 2. broaden the base of citizen participation in community services, 3. reinforce the relationship between adult education and community service by allowing for individual growth and task completion as interdependent goals. Fundamental statements underlying the purpose for developing a Model included the following: 1. Involvement of citizen volunteers is a valuable facet of the American cultural heritage, and is unique in its application. 2. An adult's responsibility as a citizen is to become involved in the community to work toward improvements for all individuals. 3. Education is the principal avenue by which this can be accomplished becasue: (a) learning results in behavior change, (b) behavior change is necessary for cultural growth and progress. From this, a Model was developed which described in general terms what tones, atmosphere, and relationships were necessary to achieve the goals. In addition, a proposal was made for more specific details for the requirements of the Directing Group and its components. Data for the study was obtained from documented literature primarily from 1960 to 1970, as well as personal experiences of both the writer and many colleagues in the field of voluntary community service agencies. The writer concluded that the proposed Center could have some lasting, positive effects on a community by being both a model for other community service agencies as well as an action agency which could develop innovative and experimental ways of work.

In May of 2009, Japan began formal operations of the saiban-in seido or lay judge system, a quasi-jury means of criminal trial adjudication that represents the first occasion since 1943 that average Japanese citizens will be required to fulfill a role in the criminal jurisprudential process. While the lay judge system promises to affect the methods and procedures of criminal trials in Japan, recent scholarship in the United States has raised an interesting question: to what degree can the lay participatory adjudication process facilitate greater levels of civic engagement in past citizen jurists once their service has completed? It is with this question in mind that the Japanese lay judge system is examined. In this work I first analyze how the Japanese judicial system fits within the global context, measuring it against the adversarial and inquisitorial archetypes that are followed by other liberal democracies. I then look to describe how lay adjudication is handled elsewhere around the world, finding that two major systems are employed - the Anglo-American jury and the European mixed-tribunal - with the Japanese lay judge system bearing great resemblance towards the latter. In investigating the origins of the lay judge system, and the changes this new method brings to Japanese criminal jurisprudence, I seek to detail the goals of this recent reform and the opportunities the lay judge system has to realize those aims. Finally, I look to how lay participation in the courtroom can inspire individuals to be more civically active once their service at trial is finished. In this pursuit, I look to relevant theoretical literature that describes how deliberative participation can spur further participation in civil society, as well as recent research in the United States that document linkages between jury service and an individual`s later inclination to be more civically engaged. With this evidence in hand, I return the focus to Japan and the lay judge system and ask what results can be expected under this new system. As sufficient data is not readily available to make definitive declarations as to the civic engagement-enhancing potential of the lay judge system - due to the relative newness of the institution - this thesis instead offers theories and hypotheses that may prove fruitful to later investigations on this very question. Moreover, I examine opinions prevalent in the current literature that would question the ability of the lay judge system to invigorate the civic engagement-tendencies of past lay jurists and analyze their veracity. In this manner, I seek to provide future research in this area with a more stable footing to proceed.

What explains the outcomes of ballot initiative contests? What factors determine the passage or rejection of an initiative? This paper describes and evaluates three approaches to explaining ballot initiative contest outcomes. The first approach involves using the expenditures of Yes and No campaigns as the causal factor in explaining why passage or defeat is the respective outcome of a given contest. The second explanatory approach emphasizes the logic of collective action problems. The third approach incorporates the larger constellation of policymaking institutions in which each ballot initiative process exists. Specifically, in what ways is the process shaped by the larger system of partisan attachments that structures electoral politics? This paper contains a set of three analyses which speak to each of the three respective explanatory approaches to explaining initiative contest outcomes. The results provide evidence of the importance of a contest's early competitive dynamic in determining the amount of resources made available for a campaign to spend. Left unaccounted for, this strategic financing of initiatives distorts estimates of the effectiveness of spending. The second analysis, inspired by insights into collective action problems, finds the initiative arena to be a policymaking site where there is a competitive advantage for broadly diffused interests, especially when they challenge other broad interests. Moreover, broad-based Yes groups achieved relatively high passage rates with relatively low levels of campaigns expenditures. Finally, the third analysis provides evidence of a consistently high level of correlation between Yes voting and alignment with a particular party. The lowest levels of correlation were still fairly high from a measured social science perspective. In many instances, county-level party attachment mapped almost seamlessly over initiative decision making. This suggests that ballot initiatives politics do not operate outside party politics, as has been suggested in the past.