The public's demands for increased involvement in resource management planning and decision making emphasize the need to understand public participation and the practical aspects of its application. This thesis sets out to analyse the process of public participation in one case study, focusing in on those who participated directly in the public participation program. The effectiveness of this application is examined and compared to the general experience of public participation in Canada. Special emphasis is placed on discovering whether or not effective public participation produces support for resource management strategies. The study takes place within the context of the Kalamalka Lake Public Participation Program developed by the Ministry of Environment and Parks, Province of British Columbia. This research has pointed out the necessity for: knowing what the public feels about management plans, communicating to the public an agency's objectives, pointing out how an agency's management plans are developed to achieve those objectives, opening the process for the public to participate in finalizing management plans, and communicating detailed, final plans to the public within a reasonable timeframe. The purpose of this research is to see how selected components of public participation affect the development of public support for park management strategies. Public participation is a part of the theory of participatory democracy. It can be included in the present system of representative democracy, and result in a stronger, more stable system of government than exists today. The Bargaining Process Model of public participation is preferred to the Upward Forming Consensus Model because it provides the public with access to the administrators on decisions which directly affect the public. Access is provided through pressure groups which are authorized to participate in the decision making process. Connor's New Ladder, modified to include the public at the joint planning team level, is the most complete and integrated set of public participation methodologies available. The public needs to be brought into the initial stages of the planning process as a partner equal to 'experts'. Ongoing, independent evaluation of public participation programing is necessary for an effective process of public participation to develop. The challenge is to determine which issues require inputs from the public, what segments of the public should be consulted, and how the necessary inputs can be obtained most effectively It is this challenge which forms the research base for this paper and which is directly reflected in these three components of the broad objective (discussed in Chapter I); park issues, social-economic characteristics of the local public, and communication methods. The fourth component is 'the attitudes of the public and park personnel towards each other'. In this component, support of park management strategies is considered a part of the attitudes and perceptions of the public and the agency towards each other. Perceptions and attitudes are investigated as indicators of a successful public participation program and of public support for management strategies. Public participation in Canada at the Federal and Provincial Parks level is a part of the Upward Forming Consensus Model of Public Participation. The public was informed and consulted, but not allowed to advise or consent. In the case of Parks Canada's Four Mountain Parks Planning Process, the importance of distributing clear information to the public and identifying where the public input influenced the final decisions was emphasized. Kalamalka Lake Provincial Park is located on the North East shore of Kalamalka Lake and four kilometers South of the City of Vernon in the province of British Columbia. Steep hills covered by grass and rock outcroppings with some pine forests interspersed with a large network of lakes characterize the area. The name Kalamalka is a Polynesian word thought to mean lake of many colors. Many of the original settlers were British and they have had a strong influence on the social and cultural development of this area. When it was learnt that a major resort and residential development was planned for the land which is now Kalamalka Park, an intense public outcry led by the North Okanagan Naturalist Club resulted in the land being purchased from Coldstream Ranch for a provincial park in August of 1975. The preparation of a master plan for Kalamalka Lake Provincial Park was to be guided by the issues, concerns and proposals received through an open planning process. Public meetings were organized and public comments received. The Parks Branch formulated four alternative plans (concept 1 - 4) and the public voiced their choice through concerns sheets, letters, briefs and petitions. Concept one or two was preferred by the majority (78%) of the public. After a five year delay an advisory committee was set up (1983) to approve a plan for park development. The next year the Advisory Committee presented their report and park development began. The park was opened two years later (1986). Respondents were identified and interviewed about the sequence of events surrounding the Kalamalka Lake Public Participation Program. The purpose of using focused interviews in this research is to evaluate what did or did not work and why. This technique is used to explain behavior and is a valuable indicator of what might occur in similar situations. There were 9 personal interviews and 22 telephone interviews for a total of 31. This research has pointed out the necessity for: - knowing what the public feels about management plans - communicating to the public an agency's objectives - explaining how an agency's management plans are developed to achieve those objectives - opening the process for the public to participate in finalizing management plans - communicating detailed, final plans to the public within a reasonable timeframe The benefits of an effective public participation program are: - less controversy - better overall management plans - active public support / Forestry, Faculty of / Graduate

Although Ronald Inglehart's New Politics theory has attracted criticism, its influential distinction between materialist and postmaterialist values tends to go unquestioned. The influence of this distinction is particularly apparent when analysts interpret the "new" social movement emphasis on esteem and belonging as a "postmaterialist" departure from a traditional, or "materialist" focus on security. This way of understanding contemporary feminist and ethnocultural-minority movements is misleading because it rests on a onedimensional view of esteem and belonging. By treating esteem and belonging as expressive, which is to say as purely aesthetic or psychological goods, New Politics obscures the instrumental significance of esteem and belonging for movements that represent traditionally, marginalized constituencies. This work undertakes a qualitative study of the participation of national socialmovement organizations, "old" and "new," in Canadian constitutional politics. The analysis is based on these actors' presentations to parliamentary hearings and royal commissions on major constitution-related issues between the years 1938 and 1992. Above all, the study illustrates what New Politics theory neglects: the instrumental role of social esteem and civic belonging as bases of voice and self-defence. I argue that attending to this role can help analysts to understand better the postwar politics of recognition. The work develops this argument in three major ways. First, I demonstrate the instrumental importance of esteem and belonging for the mid-century traditional left. Second, I show that problems of misrecognition and disesteem presented feminists and ethnocultural minorities with severe difficulties in garnering a meaningful hearing for their security needs. Third, I analyze the discursive ways in which postwar "new" movement participants came to pursue forms of respect that had proved elusive in the past. The work's overall conclusion is this: the material nature of the politics of recognition is demonstrated by the extent to which increased esteem and belonging for traditionally disrespected groups has been paralleled by an expanded menu of recognized security concerns. The study's major message follows from this conclusion: because struggles over esteem and belonging have crucial material stakes, they should not be contrasted a priori with struggles that may appear to target questions of security more directly. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

This study argues that previous investigations of the gender gap have concentrated almost exclusively on the behaviour of women voters and have underestimated the electoral significance of men. Employing public opinion surveys and rational choice theory of coalitions, it contends that men's voting behaviour is a key factor in modern elections and that by investigating male voters as people affected by their gender, the gender gap can be better explained. The study finds that the relative importance of the gender gap in Canada may be declining as parties contending to form the government display less gender division in their support, and significant gender differences in the 1997 election are found only in the more extreme parties, like the New Democratic Party and, especially, the Reform Party. Significant gender-related support for the Liberal Party is found to be concentrated in the Trudeau era. The gender gap in Reform Party support is attributed to differences over capitalism, feminism and the use of force. A theoretical model of gender block behaviour is developed using rational choice theory, and the power of the male voting block is demonstrated. Cohesion, elasticity, positioning, size and turnout are identified as important measures of block power, with cohesion and elasticity the most important variable in the gender gap. The gender gap is shown to not be an automatic advantage for women, and that sometimes it works against women's interests. The final chapter discusses the effect of situational and socialisation constraints on attitutudes towards violence, 'masculinized opportunity' and the reactionary backlash against feminism. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Previous research of the theory of Affective Intelligence holds that anxiety in individuals causes learning behavior. If people are anxious they will actively seek new information. This new information gathered while anxious will cause each individual person to cease acting habitually and begin acting in a manner in line with rational choice models. This thesis addresses three hypotheses; (1) that people who feel anxiety engage in greater information seeking behavior and (2) when people feel anxious they will use information sources that are readily available and efficient to use and (3) anxious individuals will turnout to vote more often than those who are not anxious. I began with the replication of the original research methods of Marcus and MacKuen (1993) and Marcus, Neuman and MacKuen (2000). I then tested hypothesis 1 using new measurements of anxiety in order to address the concerns originally posited by Ladd and Lenz (2008) and Valentino et al. (2008). My final test of hypothesis 1 used revised measurements of anxiety and information derived from 2000-2002 NES Panel data, much in the same manner as Marcus, Neuman and MacKuen (2000). I then tested hypothesis 2 using the same 2000-2002 NES Panel data and an information source change variable. I tested my final hypothesis using pooled NES data from 1984, 1988 and 2000. My findings suggest that as Affective Intelligence predicts, people who feel anxious do tend to seek information. Moreover, when anxious, people will use readily available and efficient information sources. My final finding suggests that although people tend to seek information when anxious this does not necessarily translate into greater participation. Finally, I conclude that the theory of Affective Intelligence is generally correct, but, further research using methods that can better demonstrate the causal direction needs to be undertaken to fully validate Affective Intelligence and more testing of the effect of anxiety on political participation is necessary.

Orientador: Evelina Dagnino / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T02:23:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Braga_JoseReinaldo_M.pdf: 3160935 bytes, checksum: c2dc5a8065a92cc2ebeb98a425308e42 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: O trabalho objetiva debater os desafios da participação dos setores sociais subordinados em decisões políticas e de Estado e os desafios da participação intersetorializada e territorialmente referenciada. Para tanto, o debate da participação é acostado ao da economia política do território, o que possibilita inferir algumas noções sobre o papel das cidades na construção, no Século XXI, de um projeto político pós-neoliberal, participativo e democrático. Para sustentar as análises, proponho uma construção teórica que se inicia localizando conceitos como os de democracia, participação, espaços públicos, de hegemonia e de sociedade civil. Depois, incorporo formulações sobre o Estado capitalista e suas formas políticas e ideológicas de atuação em diferentes formações sociais e espaciais. Por fim, conceituo o território para pensar as disputas em torno do seu uso e, nelas o papel das cidades no Século XXI. Empiricamente inicio com uma análise do Governo Democrático e Popular de Campinas (2001-04) onde se desenvolveram as relações que o Orçamento Participativo (OP) estabeleceu com os ramos da saúde e da assistência social. Depois, para acostar o debate da participação ao do uso do território, primeiro analiso a participação no Governo PDT/DEM (2005-08) que fora responsável pela revisão participativa do Plano Diretor de Campinas. Em seguida, resgato as determinações que fizeram Campinas ser o que era ao final do Século XX para poder, naquela estrutura geográfica comparar as repercussões para o uso do território de dois conjuntos de investimentos: os do OP e os que objetivaram fazer Campinas sair de um índice de tratamento de esgoto da ordem de 5% e passar a tratar 70%. Para debater os desafios da participação territorializada e intersetorializada, analiso a forma como cada um dos ramos do Estado e suas respectivas instituições participativas recortam o território e usam os subespaços geográficos. E, por último, debato as dificuldades derivadas do "Novo" Plano Diretor de Campinas que, além de institucionalizar a mercadorização da cidade, afastou as possibilidades de a participação controlar o uso do território ao criar uma outra divisão geográfica que é diferente das usadas pelos espaços do fazer participativo das políticas sociais, ampliando os desafios para a construção, no Século XXI, de uma Campinas participativa e democrática / Abstract: Not informed / Mestrado / Ciencia Politica / Mestre em Ciência Política

Protesting is a common tactic used by social movements and the outcomes are widely researched in social movement studies. This thesis examines the biographical consequences of protest participation on individuals’ life-course patterns from a gendered and intergenerational perspective. The study employs regression analysis and a longitudinal dataset collected from the Swedish Level of Living Survey, which includes six panel waves in total stretching from 1968 to 2010. It consists of a nationally representative sample of the Swedish population between the ages of 15–75, in which the last two panel waves include the respondents’ children in the ages of 10–18. The results show that protest participants are likely to become more educated than non- participants and that they continue to remain active in political and union activities. Further, there is evidence of gender-based differences between protesters as women do not continue to uphold the same level of involvement in political organisations in comparison to men. No support is given to the expectation that protesting will have intergenerational effects. The results show that participating in protests may have long-lasting consequences for individuals and that there seems to be gender-based differences between protesters, which might have implications for individuals’ further involvement in political activities.

This paper presents a study on how the Swedish EU committee has processed and implemented the Lisbon Treaty. More specifically, the eight article; provision on democratic principles. The eight article intends to increase the level of political participation among the citizens of EU. Therefore, the study also provides the perspective of the citizens of Sweden regarding whether they think they can affect the decisions made by the EU and also, whether they actually do participate in the democratic life provided by the EU. Through combining the work of the EU committee and the perspective of the Swedish people, the study contributes with a wide perspective that can understand how the implementation of the Lisbon Treaty has turned out. What this study has presented is that the work of the EU committee has been limited, which also reflects the Swedes’ engagement in participatory democracy. In addition to this, there are also split opinions whether they think they can affect the political decisions made by the EU.

This study aims to investigate why young people in Tunisia participate less in formal and informal politics than older people. First, I compare the participatory pattern of young people in six forms of political participation (voting, party membership, organization membership, campaign activity, protesting and attending meetings/signing petitions) to older Tunisians, with merged data from the Arab Barometers five waves (2012-2019). The data shows that young people indeed participate less than the older. To find out why, I rely on socio-economic, political-psychological and socialization theories. I examine the research problem through a logistic regression model with data from the Arab Barometers fourth wave (2016-2017), which considers key explanatory variables from the socioeconomic, political-psychological and socialization theories. The results show that the biggest obstacle for young people to participate in politics is their lack of socioeconomic resources. Furthermore, access to information through education, political news and social media seem to be the most substantial variables to stimulate political participation among young people in Tunisia.

The main purpose of this research is to investigate the perception of South Asian youth on the use of social media in politics. In this research, a comprehensive literature review has been conducted on research ideas based on similar content of the use of social media in politics. Five variables, such as voting behaviour, perceived usefulness, ease of use, political participation and personalization politics have been used to investigate the youth perception regarding the research objectives. In this research positivism research philosophy and descriptive approach has been followed for primary data collection and analysis. Quantitative statistical tools have been used to find out actual results from the study. Frequencies analysis, correlation, Crombach’s Alpha mean, median and mode have been used to evaluate data.  From the analysis, it has been found that the use of social media in politics has a robust impact on the political behaviour of youth on social media. It positively affective the voting behaviour of youth and pursue them to participate in various political activities. The finding of this study reveals that the use of social media in politics has a significant impact on the voting behaviour of people who are using social media in political communication. This research also found that politically interested people get needed information on social media and they get updated about political activities and new policies. The usefulness of social media has a positive impact on the use of social media by youth in political activities. This study also found that social media is easy to use and need less effort to perform communication activities. This pursues youth to use social media in political participation. Another finding is that the use of social media in politics increase youth participation in political activities. The traditional form of communication has a lack of access by the general people. But, digital media allow people to participate in decision making and criticism. This facilitates youth participation in political activities.

Cette thèse porte sur l’évolution de la participation électorale des habitants des quartiers populaires depuis 1999. En France, après les émeutes de 2005, ces quartiers ont été marqués par une forte hausse de l’inscription et de la participation lors de l’élection présidentielle de 2007. Pourtant ils cumulent les caractéristiques susceptibles d’éloigner leurs habitants du vote. C’est ce paradoxe que la thèse cherche à expliquer. Pour y parvenir, elle croise plusieurs champs théoriques (sociologie urbaine, sociologie/géographie électorale, action publique) dans une perspective comparative, analysant ces évolutions électorales dans les périphéries marginalisées de Paris, Madrid et Birmingham. L’hypothèse centrale est celle d’une inclusion politique croissante des habitants des quartiers populaires français. La méthodologie est mixte, croisant analyse de données agrégées resituant le contexte, données de sondage, entretiens avec des habitants des quartiers marginalisés, observations de bureaux de vote en région parisienne et analyse des politiques d’incitation au vote. Les résultats montrent qu’il n’y a pas de fatalité à la non-participation des périphéries urbaines marginalisées. Enfin dans les trois pays les dispositifs d’incitation au vote influencent de façon très inégale l’évolution des comportements politiques. Les politiques publiques généralistes inspirées par la tradition républicaine se révèlent être plus mobilisatrices que les actions ciblées menées au Royaume Uni à destination de groupes sociaux ou de quartiers particuliers. / This research studies the evolution of voting turnout in in Paris, Madrid and Birmingham’s deprived neighborhoods since 1999. In France, after the 2005 riots, both registration and turnout increased sharply during the 2007 presidential election in those places. Yet their inhabitants face numerous social and physical barriers, reducing the likelihood that they would vote. We try to explain this paradox using combined theoretical frameworks from urban sociology, electoral sociology, electoral geography and public policies in a comparative research design. The core hypothesis is that those social groups are increasingly involved in politics and in voting. This study uses several methodological tools involving aggregate data analysis, survey data analysis, polling station observation and field interviews. The results show that public policies designed to influence turnout are sharply divided. Universalistic approaches appear more likely to get voters to participate.