The exploitation and extermination of people in the context of internal conflict in the former Yugoslavia is a grave injustice and the result of a systematic policy of war by an unconventional state. Internal conflict requires investigation by international relations scholars because it is evidence of the changing nature of war. Given that both the methods of violence (ethnic cleansing, systematic/genocidal rape, and sexual torture) and (ethno)nationalism are gendered, a 'new' approach to war is needed. Traditional international relations theoretical approaches to the state, anarchy, and war/peace prove unable to analyze: one, the unconventional state (structure); two, the dichotomous separation of the public/international/external/formal/masculine/autonomous from the private/domestic/internal/informal/feminine/vulnerable; three, unconventional war policy; and four, the 'new' actors, the external and internal 'Others,' the 'Invisibles,' the noncombatants/ civilians, the 'women' (women and men; people with identities). Thinking that will lead to solutions for the dilemma of war, inclusively defined, will be - to employ Joy Kogawa's word - merciful; it will not exclude people and, while critical, it will be hopeful that the protection of both human dignity and community is in the 'national interest,' in 'our and their interest' as political/social/economic/etc. beings. Because it analyzes dichotomies and deals with the role of identity in the various aspects of (changing) war, a feminist or gendered/identity-deconstructivist approach is advanced as a means to more effectively examine internal/international conflicts, such as the former Yugoslav wars - i.e., unconventional wars whose character challenges the rigid traditionalist international relations definition of war.

Nowadays humans struggle to supply and attain longer and more appropriate life time. Introducing new technologies, which, speeded up by modernization and industrialization, is the main subject in many branches of science to improve the human’s life; but this rate of innovation is not always pleasurable. As seen in many cases, side effects of using new technology come up as warning signs, and lead to huge environmental and humanitarian disaster with irreversible impact. Moreover, most of these technologies might be applied in different kinds of warfare where nations use high-Tech as tools to reach other’s resources and raise their economic benefits. As in most wars that happened in the world, updated technologies have been applied to overcome the combatant, which finally shows up as damages on the environment, economy, civilians and soldiers. In this study we reviewed the reasons of shaping warfare and its consequences in different aspects of environment, civilians, soldiers and economy. The questions I followed to answer were: What are those main factors that induced by technology to form different kinds of warfare? And, can technology be altered as a tool to make a war more environmentally friendly? To answer these two main questions, we need to know reasons for shaping warfare a) Economy, b) Ideological/religious, and c) Power/pride/love which raise many theories such as Economic, Behavioural, Evolutionary, Demographic, Rational, and Political science theory. In 1990 members of the committee of environmental issue discussed development of technology in the future which should follow by consideration of global environmental issue. Therefore, new technology should bring solution to environmental problems. Nowadays technology creates some kind of competition, not only in combat, but also in cold war. According to reviews of many studies, the harshness of war increases and the aftermath becomes more severe on the environment and societies, consequently irreversible rehabilitation in short and long term. Applied technologies in some warfare have been considered by their impact on natural and human environment. As a case study I considered the recent war in Libya and its consequences, not only in the country, but also its impact on other nations and neighbours as well. Strict international laws is needed to explicit and declare the rights of each individual and nation to prevent and ban any activities in the term of war crime. Also groups of authentic authorities should set up to conduct an investigation into each activity in countries and survey on introduced technologies to ensure them about their result and consequences. Finally some reviews were released about how international committees and conventions, declarations and agreement has been set to prevent and prohibit crime in wars, and some international laws has been brought to guide nations about their rights and responsibility against each other.

Popular historiography of the U. S. Civil War has traditionally underemphasized the war’s foreign dimension and the role outside support and potential recognition played in the conflict. Recent literature, however, has begun to reverse this trend. Building upon recent studies, this thesis examines public opinion in Halifax during the Civil War. In a period characterized by divided opinion – both within the United States and abroad – Haligonians overwhelmingly supported the South for most of the conflict. This thesis explores public opinion in Halifax by studying one of the city’s most prominent Confederate supporters, Dr. William Johnston Almon. By examining Almon and his community, the role certain factors played in influencing Haligonian support for the Confederacy – such as Northern provocations, sociopolitical ideology, and economic interests – can be better understood. This thesis contends that Almon’s involvement in the Civil War was ideologically motivated and that he was not necessarily an outlier in Halifax.

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This dissertation explores how Venetians used the figurative arts as a means of responding to and shaping their experience of the War of the League of Cambrai (1509–17). The war was the most politically and spiritually tumultuous conflict in Venice’s history and almost resulted in the loss of its mainland empire. To provide a sense of the complexity of the relationship between art and contemporary military events, the study gathers and analyses a wide range of works, from painting and sculpture to woodcuts for books and prints. Chapters two, three, and four investigate how Venetians used visual art to represent and interpret their struggle to reclaim the former terraferma empire. Chapter two begins the discussion by examining the modest woodcuts accompanying printed propagandistic texts that were inspired by the battle for the mainland and that constitute the first visual response to the war. Chapter three explores the interpretation afforded military events by subsequent and more enduring works of art, particularly sculpted altarpieces and tombs for mercenaries. Chapter four discusses the assertive revival of more traditional visual themes, particularly the lion of St. Mark. Chapters five, six, and seven, in contrast, address how Venetian art reflects the atmosphere of spiritual crisis generated by the popular interpretation of the war as a form of divine punishment. The first of these demonstrates how devotional books responded to the unsettled mood through text and image. Chapter six proposes that the wartime popularity of multi-block woodcuts, particularly of religious subjects, similarly reflects a market for certain kinds of devotional imagery. To conclude, chapter seven argues that the same atmosphere sparked a sudden interest during the war and shortly thereafter in paintings of Christ and the adulteress. Considered as a group, the studies presented by the various chapters demonstrate that Venetians produced a wide variety of art during the Cambrai War as a means of interpreting the conflict’s significance and influencing its course. / Thesis (Ph.D, Art History) -- Queen's University, 2007-09-21 11:57:46.12

The growing global awareness of sexual violence as a weapon of war has been accompanied by the strategic and pervasive inclusion of women’s personal stories of war rape. This representational strategy of Western media, academia and humanitarian policies was critically examined in order to understand how war raped women in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) are discursively situated as “Other.” Drawing on the theoretical concepts of abjection and objection, the study did not question the truth of women’s experience but rather examined whether the pervasive inclusion of war rape stories constituted a true feminine subjectivity. A foucaldian notion of discourse provided a method to expose meaning and dominant discourses, which make certain identities and stories of war rape more visible than others. The purpose of this study was to critically engage with dominant Western discourses of war rape and provide a more complex understanding of how diverse power structures, identities and representational practices impact the struggle of Congolese women to open self-determined pathways of empowerment. A qualitative method of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) was used to examine the textual and visual processes of representation. Samples of text were taken from three main areas: media coverage (print, television, web based magazines, and films), feminist academic literature (journals, reports and books), and humanitarian policies (UN mission reports, Security Council resolution, mandates and reports). The results revealed that war rape victims, the DRC and acts of war rape were all positioned as “Other” and as a media spectacle that was further consumed by Western audiences. It was also found that certain war rape identities and social factors remained invisible, including the West’s complacency in the DRC conflict. Ultimately, the study finds a tension between discourse as a tool of liberation and a tool of power and control. This thesis recommends that anti rape activists must examine their own dominance over war rape victims and consider new strategies—beyond the simple act of storytelling—that will position rape victims as the subjects (not objects) of their own struggle to end war rape. / Thesis (Master, Sociology) -- Queen's University, 2011-03-22 12:21:28.209

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<p>Includes bibliographic references (leaves 184-195)&quot / In this thesis, I contrast Qutbs approach towards jihad with that which is found in the primary sources of Islam and as espoused by the proponents of the four schools of thought, as well as key Islamic scholars. This study also attempts to explore the conceptual confusion between terrorism, jihad, and legitimate defense and resistance by comparing the legislation on jihad in Islam with that which exists in international law and conventions. I then turn my attention to the focal point of this study, the writings of Sayyid Qutb on jihad...&quot / </p>

Amphibious operations are a topic central to the history of World War Two in the Pacific Theatre. The majority of research on this topic has been centred on the impact of American experiences and successes attributed to the development and evolution of amphibious warfare. The contributions of the United Kingdom and Japan to the development of amphibious warfare have been either overlooked or marginalized. This thesis will investigate the amphibious activities of all three powers both during and before the Pacific War, and seek to explain the importance of each nation's contribution to amphibious warfare. In addition, the thesis will demonstrate how in its highest forms amphibious operations became a fully fledged system of global force projection. The thesis will explain how each of these powers interpreted the legacy of the failure of the 1915 Gallipoli campaign both in the context of their own wartime experiences, and in their respective strategic worldviews. This interpretation is central to how each power prepared for amphibious operations in the next war. The importance of the geography of the Pacific Ocean to the evolution and development of amphibious warfare will be discussed, as will the advances in technology that allowed the creation of logistical systems to support these operations.

This thesis investigates the role of the United Nations in the area of peace enforcement. It studies the UN system for the maintenance of international peace and security in the face of threats to the peace, breaches of the peace and acts of aggression. It assesses the Security Council attempts to employ enforcement measures under Chapter VII of the UN Charter in response to inter-state and intra-state conflicts, paying attention to the effect of the Council's increasing involvement in internal situations, both on the development of the system and on the outcome of conflicts. It also takes account of changes in the nature of modern conflict and of the Security Council's innovative rebuttals; these amount to a transforming of peace enforcement and necessitate its reconceptualisation. The thesis examines challenges posed to the viability of peace enforcement by an increasing tendency to employ 'interventionist' methods such as 'humanitarian intervention' and the 'new internationalism'. In this respect, the thesis examines the assumption that these new methods do not substitute for the UN system of peace enforcement, which retain the universal approval of member states. It further assesses the argument that a reformed peace enforcement system will serve the cause of peace better than these controversial methods. The study of the Kuwait crisis as a central case in this thesis benefited from the release of authoritative accounts during the years 1995-99, by writers who had held official responsibilities during the crisis. The thesis also benefited from the study of peace enforcement cases that occurred after Kuwait in measuring claims raised after the Gulf war concerning the reactivation and viability of peace enforcement. These cases allowed the thesis to provide an account of peace enforcement during the first ten post-Cold War years, to contrast them to earlier cases, and to draw lessons for the future of the UN peace enforcement system.