Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 2002. / This thesis provides a detailed account of events leading up to the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879, and undertakes to explain inter-alia, why the war came about The focus of the study is thus on the roles of personalities including especially, Lord Carnarvon, Secretary of State for the Colonies), Theophilus Shepstone, (Natal's Secretary for Native Affairs), Sir Bartle Frere (the High Commissioner) and Cetshwayo kaMpande (King of Zululand). The war of 1879 arose out of predominantly British hegemonistic ambitions. Frere was entrusted by Carnarvon to implement a confederation policy in southern Africa. The latter consequently engineered a war on the pretext that the Zulu Kingdom was a menace to the Colony of Natal that had to be eliminated before confederation could be possible. Frere therefore exploited certain border incidents and maligned the character and rule of Cetshwayo whom he chose to label a tyrannical oppressor. Contrary to instructions from Sir Michael Hicks Beach at the Colonial Office and indeed the British Cabinet, Frere then sent an ultimatum to Cetshwayo that could not possibly have been accepted by the Zulus, given the nature of their polity - it would have lost its very way of life. Most of the issues can best be understood and analysed by looking at the Victorian Age and the promoters of British Imperialism. A salient feature of the Victorian Age was that Britons were by and large always likely to misinterpret some of the assumptions upon which African and indeed Zulu thought and actions were based. Victorians, such as Frere, by using their own set of values as the criteria for judgement, adopted postures in southern Africa which can only be interpreted as mischievous, false and irrelevant Frere was 'colonial' and patronizing and displayed an arrogance towards his superiors and the Zulus. Zulus had their own vivid perception of their problems, as well as their own sets of values, customs, beliefs , political and socio-economic structures. Frere was determined to manipulate events in southern Africa for his own ends and regarded himself as the champion of imperialism. He deluded himself further into regarding Cetshwayo as a monarch whose state was based on the institutions of militarism and forced labour- the very negation of liberty. It is evident that the relationship between Cetshwayo and his subjects was not a simple one but it was one which developed from Shakan times and which was clearly accepted by most subjects. As militaristic as it appeared to be, the Zulu state was not planning to embark on a war. It was forced by circumstances created by Frere into one which culminated in its dismemberment In reading the thesis and considering the various factors we should constantly bear in mind the questions: Was Frere sincere in his actions or was he out for personal aggrandisement and to what extent was Cetshwayo an oppressive autocrat?

This is an investigation into the history of masculinity in spaceflight during some of the tensest years of the Cold War era. This dissertation asks why the U.S. did not counter the Soviet launch of the first woman into space. Scholars have pieced together the story of American women’s fight for spaceflight. The dissertation adds another layer to this narrative by analyzing the construction of the astronaut image from 1958 to 1972, a period characterized by a widespread masculinity crisis. Scholars of Cold War America suggest that Americans saw communism, conformity, feminism, homosexuality, bureaucracy, corporations, male consumerism, leisure, automation, and the dreaded “organization man” as a threat to masculinity. The astronaut was not only a way for Americans to display their superiority over the Soviets; he also represented a widespread domestic reaction against the threat of automation. I build on the scholarship of the Cold War masculinity crisis by focusing on how the crisis played out within the public discourse of the astronaut image. I begin with a narrative of the Cold War masculinity crisis. Using print media, congressional records, and astronaut accounts, I explore how the masculinization of spaceflight created a public image of the astronaut that mirrored the Cold War masculinity crisis. As the average American man struggled for individuality and control in his own life, the astronaut struggled to exert and maintain individual control over the space capsule. Continuing through the Apollo program, the discourse surrounding the astronaut shifted away from depictions of him as a rugged individual exerting control in space toward an emphasis on the astronaut as a team player who shared control of the capsule with computers, the scientist-astronauts, and Mission Command. In the end, the astronaut struggled to represent a superior masculinity as he increasingly became the corporate organization man, symbolizing the masculinity crisis. The struggle to resolve the masculinity crisis continued as teamwork replaced individualism, hyphenated scientist-astronauts flew into space, and NASA commissioned the first passenger space shuttles.

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Initial advances into Iranian territory were repulsed and by 1982 Iraq had withdrawn to previously recognised international boundaries. The war on land lapsed into statement with neither side being capable of launching a sufficiently strong offensive to terminate hostilities. Partly in retaliation for Iran's successful blockade of Iraqi shipping and partly in an attempt to cripple Iranian oil exports and undermine the enemy war effort, Iraq expanded the conflict onto the waters of the Persian Gulf. Exclusion zones were declared in the northern Gulf, and shipping calling at the Iranian oil terminal at Kharg Island singled out for unannounced missile attacks. Iraq has hit over 170 tankers in the Gulf war. Iran has made fewer attacks but most of these have occurred outside both the Iranian and Iraqi war zones. Neutral shipping calling at neutral Gulf ports are considered lawful targets for destruction. Recently Kuwaiti-bound' vessels have been hit. Neutral merchant shipping is being stopped and searched at the entrance to the Gulf. The United States, having committed itself to upholding the freedom of neutral navigation in the region, has transferred Kuwaiti tankers to US registration and is escorting the re-flagged vessels to protect them from Iranian interference and attack. The United Nations Security Council has passed Resolutions calling for an end to the hostilities and has denounced attacks on neutral shipping in international waters. No Chapter Vll procedures for collective security enforcement under the Charter have been invoked 6. and not one of the Resolutions is binding.

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<p> The dilemma of the war poet -- how "to combine two incompatibles" -- has produced several temporary alternatives and as many permanent misconceptions. For some, writers and audience alike, war poetry has come to be merely a form of propaganda, or perhaps an outlet for the emotions. For Keith Douglas, however, war was apparently a natural and a compatible subject for poetry. This study focuses upon Douglas's life, work and reputation, in an attempt to discover how, why, and to what effect he was able to solve the dilemma.</p> / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

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