Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Cette thèse interroge l'existence et la définition de « nouvelles migrations de travail » en Europe à partir de l'analyse comparée des jeunes migrants Polonais et Roumains au Royaume-Uni et en Espagne. En adoptant une approche comparative et historique, elle montre d’abord que c'est la conjonction entre un espace économique inégal et une intégration économique avancée d'une part ; et la transformation des inégalités intranationales vis-à-vis de l'emploi d'autre part, qui explique la diversité des propensions à migrer dans les différents pays européens. En se plaçant ensuite du côté des pays d'accueil, elle montre la persistance de la segmentation du marché du travail et la pertinence de l'utilisation de cadres d'analyse transnationaux et sectoriels pour mettre en évidence l'existence de marchés d'emplois locaux globalisés. L'étude analyse également le processus de ségrégation professionnelle des migrants, dont les ressources personnelles (et en particulier l'origine sociale) conditionnent fortement les opportunités de mobilité sociale. Enfin, en analysant l’interaction entre mobilité, insertion professionnelle et passage à l’âge adulte, elle montre que la mobilité peut devenir une forme de précarité sociale marquée par une incertitude temporelle et spatiale. Au final, l'étude démontre la nécessité de distinguer les pratiques de mobilité, qui se caractérisent par une diversification sociale, des usages sociaux distincts, classés et classants, dans un champ de l'international transformé par la libre-circulation ; et les migrations de travail comme fait social, caractérisées par de fortes régularités historiques. / This dissertation investigates the definition and the characterization of “new” labor migrations within Europe. Based on a comparative analysis of young Polish and Romanian migrants in the United-Kingdom and in Spain, it uses both statistical data and qualitative analysis of migrants’ interviews. The analysis of patterns of migration within the European space shows that the diversity of national profiles can be explained by the convergence of an integrated but unequal economic space on one hand, and the rise of new intranational inequalities regarding the labor market, on the other hand. The analysis based on the countries of destination (the United-Kingdom and Spain) shows that labor market segmentation is still prevailing. It suggests that the transnational and sector-based approach is necessary to fully explain and identify globalised labor markets. The analysis also investigates the social process of segmentation and its impact on migrants’ occupational mobility, or the lack thereof. It shows that chances of mobility depend mainly on individual resources reflecting the social origin of migrants. Finally, the analysis of the links between professional integration, entry into adulthood and mobility suggests that mobility is also a kind of uncertainty, both time-related and space-related. As a conclusion, the study reveals the necessity of distinguishing between mobility practices, characterized by a growing diversity and distinct social uses in the transformed international field of free mobility; and contemporary labor migrations as a social fact, which includes in part intra-european migrations.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

During the twentieth century, trends in childlessness varied strongly across European countries while educational attainment grew continuously across them. Using census and large-scale survey data from 13 European countries, we investigated the relationship between these two factors among women born between 1916 and 1965. Up to the 1940 birth cohort, the share of women childless at age 40+ decreased universally. Afterwards, the trends diverged across countries. The results suggest that the overall trends were related mainly to changing rates of childlessness within educational groups and only marginally to changes in the educational composition of the population. Over time, childlessness levels of the medium-educated and high-educated became closer to those of the low-educated, but the difference in level between the two better educated groups remained stable in Western and Southern Europe and increased slightly in the East.

This study determines how economic, political, and socio-demographic factors impact the parliamentary election outcomes in central and eastern European countries in transition period. A one-way fixed-effect method has been applied to analyze two main economic models. The dependent variables are share of the Western-oriented and traditional-oriented parties. Data of sixteen countries have been used in the thesis. According to the results of this study, it is possible to conclude that outcomes of parliamentary elections in central and eastern European countries depended on political and socio-demographic factors from I 990-2001. Factors such as loans, received from the United States, per capita in the pre-election year, as a measure of external pressure, and share of agriculture in GDP, as a measure of country`s level of development, demonstrate consistent significance in both variations of the model.

Within the literature devoted to the study of political parties, scholars have recently directed more attention towards intraparty dynamics. The ‘party as a unitary actor’ assumption seems to have withered away in the last decades. The party is increasingly viewed as a heterogeneous entity, in which dissenting attitudes are frequent. Yet the causes of intraparty dissensions remain quite obscure. This dissertation aims at providing a better understanding of the causes of dissent within parties, especially within parliamentary party groups. <p><p>Intraparty conflicts, dissent or ‘voice’ phenomena have been studied through different literatures that have developed independently from each other: studies dealing with party factionalism, social-psychological and economic theories of organizations (e.g. Hirschman’s trilogy of exit, voice and loyalty), and legislative studies dealing with parliamentary party voting unity. The dissertation attempts to (re)conciliate these separate literatures, and shows how legislative studies, factionalism literature and theories of organizations can help to rethink the concept of dissent, and to grasp why parliamentarians are more or less likely to dissent from their party line. <p><p>The dissertation defines dissent in the parliamentary party as a two-dimensional concept, and operationalizes it as the MP’s frequency of disagreement with her/his party and the MP’s attitude of (non)loyalty in case of such disagreement. At the theoretical level, the dissertation draws on several theoretical approaches –institutional, rational and sociological– and formulates a broad set of hypotheses linking system-, party- and individual-level factors to these two dimensions of dissent. At the empirical level, the dissertation analyzes the causes of dissent within parliamentary parties in a comparative perspective. The analysis examines parliamentarians’ attitudes across 15 European national parliaments and tests the hypotheses formulated in the theoretical part by using the PARTIREP MP Survey dataset. <p><p>The results first show that, while European parliamentary parties are usually viewed as united blocks in terms of voting behavior, looking at MPs’ attitudes provides a more nuanced picture: European parliamentary parties show important variations in their MPs’ frequency of disagreement and attitudes of non-loyalty. Among the factors that explain these variations, both institutional (electoral rules, state structure, effective number of parties, intraparty organization) and sociological (gender, age, socialization, ideological preferences) factors need to be considered. In addition, the research shows that the two dimensions of dissent, though they are connected by a sequential relationship, should be studied distinctly, as different factors affect them respectively. The frequency of disagreement is best explained by the MP’s gender and previous elected office at a lower level than the national one, by the ideological distance between the MP and her/his party’s position in interaction with the party ‘family’, and by intraparty organizational factors (candidate selection procedures and EPO-PPO power balance). Non-loyalty depends more on the institutional structure (multilevel vs. unitary state, ENP) and on the candidate-centeredness of the electoral system; but is also affected by individual-level factors (age and length of incumbency) and by the party ‘family’. On the whole, by contrast to what is usually argued, ‘the party’ matters’ in determining the level of intraparty cohesion: the impact of intraparty organizational structure and party ideology or family is determinant, but more research is definitely needed in order to disentangle the ‘organizational’ vs. the ‘ideological’ effects.<p> / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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