Th.--Sociol.--Toulouse, 1982.

Ce travail s'interroge sur la manière dont se définissent des actes et relations socialement sanctionnés comme obligatoires - et de ce fait qualifiés de juridiques - parmi un groupe de migrants africains. En précisant les contours des différents mondes au sein desquels interagissent les migrants, il entend rendre compte de la pluralité des cadres référentiels mobilisés et des conditions souvent imprévisibles dans lesquelles émerge le phénomène juridique. La première partie s'intéresse plus particulièrement aux moments de transgression et de réinvention en relevant le caractère partiellement contestataire ou « clandestin » des départs en migration observés, ainsi que la nature imaginaire des projections des migrants sur l'après-migration. La deuxième partie décrit comment le groupe cible interagit au quotidien avec son environnement social et parvient à concilier la marginalité apparente de son rapport au droit avec les réalités juridiques dominantes. La troisième partie s'efforce à dégager les spécificités des solutions identifiées en en questionnant le caractère composite et en soulignant la part active revenant aux migrants dans leur manière de façonner les rapports juridiques. A travers l'analyse proposée, l'étude met en exergue le caractère réducteur du regard habituellement privilégié sur le droit, occultant la nature pluraliste et dynamique du phénomène juridique tel qu'il se donne à lire dans les pratiques observées. / Based on an empirical rather than normative understanding ofwhat is "Iegal", this dissertation questions the way socially sanctioned actions and relations are defined amongst a group of Mrican migrants. By identifying the different worlds within which the migrants interact, it aims at showing the plurality of social rationalities at stake and the unpredictability of the processes involved when it cornes to understanding the legal phenomenon.

Ces dernières années, le développement continu des marques de distributeurs (MDD) a abouti à un marché composés de trois grands segments de consommateurs : (i) ceux qui sont fidèles aux marques nationales, (ii) aux marques de distributeurs et (iii) ceux qui combinent les deux. Pourquoi ce dernier groupe de consommateurs migrent-t-il d'une marque nationale vers une marque de distributeurs et inversement ? A notre connaissance, aucune étude n'a été menée sur cet aspect de la concurrence entre marque nationale et MDD. Les travaux de recherche en marketing ont surtout étudié les changements entre marques nationales ou le choix des MDD. Or, le comportement migratoire entre les deux types de marques peut représenter jusqu'à 20% des comportements d'achat (source : Panel MarketingScan). L'objet de cette thèse est donc de proposer un cadre théorique permettant de comprendre la migration entre les deux types de marques. Nous analysons l'influence des variables relatives à la marque (ou des références) et à la catégorie de produits tout en tenant compte des différences individuelles (observées et non observées) entre les ménages et les enseignes. Nous utilisons comme cadre empirique le panel Angevin de la Société MarketingScan. Nous élaborons pour cela un modèle de choix avec coefficients aléatoires et facteurs latents (Latent Factor Random coefficients Multinomial Logit Model) permettant de contrôler l'hétérogénéité entre les ménages. Les résultats montrent que le type de MDD (marque enseigne ou marque propre) a une influence à la fois sur la migration vers et le rachat des MDD. Le prix reste toujours important dans la concurrence entre les deux types de marques. Une plus grande disponibilité des références au niveau de la marque de distributeurs permet d'attirer plus de consommateurs. Toutefois, une forte présence de MDD réduit la satisfaction des consommateurs à l'égard de l'assortiment et les pousser à migrer vers les marques nationales.

The study of the historical geography of Malaya is fraught with more than the usual difficulties. Firstly, source material is scarce, often fragmentary and obscure. Secondly, documentation of the little material available has only just begun and is beset with many handicaps, not the least of which is the dearth of qualified workers. Finally, much of the information available is inaccurate and unreliable, rendering its meaningful interpretation extremely difficult. Typical though it is of many studies in Malaya, it is especially applicable to the study of the Indian immigration and population change, particularly in the initial stages. Though some progress has been made during the present century in resolving these discrepancies, ommissions, at times serious, still remain in the information regarding the Indians in Malaya. For example, the tale of the evolution of the population pattern of the Indians in Malaya has yet to be told. In this study an attempt has been made to assemble the information on the Indians in Malaya and analyse the population changes among them from the beginning of their migration, about 2,000 years ago, to 1957, the year of the last population census of Malaya and of Merdeka (Independence), which marks the end of one and the beginning of another epoch. Indian contacts with Malaya go back to pre-historic times. The full implications of the wealth of the region were, however, not realized by them till the beginning of the Christian era. From then on, for more than a thousand years, there was a constant movement of Hindu and Buddhist traders, adventurers, priests and literati to the veritable El Dorados of Malaya and other Southeast Asian areas. This traffic, through intermarriage and cultural assimilation, led to the foundation and growth of a number of city-states, since extinct, and the "Indianization" of the Malay way of life. This was the apogee of Indian influence in Malaya, for with the rise of the Malacca Sultanate and the arrival of European powers, particularly British, the whole position of the Indians was altered. In contrast to their earlier brethren, who represented a powerful and respected commercial and economic force, the Indians who now flocked into Malaya were chiefly illiterate labourers. This transformation took place as British power was established in both India and Malaya and the economies of the two countries subordinated to imperial needs, which entailed the curbing of Indian enterprise and the encouragement of a flow of cheap, docile Indian labour in large numbers to work the Malayan plantations and Government projects. In their wake followed petty shop-keepers, tradesmen, clerks and professional men to cater to special needs. This latter movement continued long after the labour migration was stopped by the Indian Government in 1938 but in a gradually decreasing volume, following immigration restrictions imposed by the Malayan Government in the post-war period. It was this section of the Indian migrants which first sank its roots in Malaya, thus beginning the stabilization of the local Indian population. The Indian population has increased steadily, through immigration until the 1930's, and later through natural increase, following the improvement in the sex-ratios and the general stabilization of the community. Most of the Indians in Malaya are now local born and are re-producing at a faster rate than the other communities. If the present trend continues their numbers are expected to pass the 1,500,000 mark by 1980. With stabilization, changes are also taking place in their occupational structure and urban-rural ratios. Following the Indian Government's ban on unskilled labour emigration and the spread of education in Malaya the proportion of labourers in the Indian population has been steadily declining. For example,it was estimated that less than 50 per cent of the economically active Indians were labourers in I960, compared to more than 80 per cent in the early 1920's. This trend will probably continue as the majority of the younger generation Indians appear to prefer clerical, technical, commercial and professional occupations. In 1921,less than 10 per cent of the Indians were urban dwellers but by 1957 more than half of them were living in urban centres. By I960, the proportion of the urban dwellers in the total Indian population was estimated to be as high as 60 per cent. If this rapid rate of urbanization is maintained, and there is no reason to believe that it will not be, Indians might well challenge the Chinese as the most urbanized community of Malaya. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

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This book focuses on one of the main issues of our time in the Humanities and Social Sciences as it analyzes the impact of current global migrations on new forms of living together and the formation of identities and homes. Using a transdisciplinary and transcultural approach the contributions shed fresh light upon key concepts such as ‘hybrid-performative diaspora’, ‘transidentities’,‘ hospitality’, ‘belonging’, ‘emotion’, ‘body,’ and ‘desire’. Those concepts are discussed in the context of Cuban, US-American, Maghrebian, Moroccan, Spanish, Catalan, French, Turkish, Jewish, Argentinian, Indian, and Italian literatures, cultures and religions.:Contents Notes on Contributors vii Introduction 1 1 Nomadic Places Cultures and Literatures in Movement ‘Hybrid-Performative-Diasporas’ in the Ibero-American-Maghrebian-Moroccan Literature and Culture: the Case of Najat El Hachmi 13 Alfonso de Toro 2 The Diasporic Identity of the Roma People 75 Marta Segarra 3 Epistemological Difficulties in the Development of Civic Identities in Western Education 88 Zvi Bekerman 4 A Discourse of Resistance: Hybridization of Identity and Textuality in Tedio, by Natalio Ohanna 106 Daniel Blaustein 5 Federalism and Diaspora: the Feeling of Belonging and the Diaspora Identity in the Subnational Level of the Country 115 Mauricio Dimant 6 Jewbans in Miami: a Particular Case of Hybrid- Performative Diaspora 134 Sarah Moldenhauer 7 The “Good Migrants”: Issues of Hospitality and Belonging with regard to Sikhs in Mediterranean Europe 149 Pierre Gottschlich 8 Feelings of Threat as a Problem of Religious Identity within Religiously Diverse Societies 167 Gert Pickel and Alexander Yendell 9 The Problem of Belonging in Nina Bouraoui’s Garçon manqué 180 Annegret Richter 10 Diasporic Topographies of Remembrance in New Autobiographical Sephardic Writing 194 Susanne Ritschel 11 Settling In: Migration and Place in Sema Kılıçkaya’s Le royaume sans racines 205 Annedith Schneider 12 Identity Questions in El diablo de Yudis by Ahmed Daoudi 216 Juliane Tauchnitz 13 Writing in Movement: a Poetics of Undecidability? 229 Abderrahman Tenkoul 14 The Berber Cultural Movement in the Maghreb Contemporary Issues in Transnationalism 238 Moha Ennaji 15 The Mara: a Diaspora Sui Generis? 252 Heidrun Zinecker 16 Towards Modes of Shared Emotion: Revisiting the Iberian Diasporas’ Trauma Through the “Captive’s Tale” (Don Quixote I, 37– 41) 289 Ruth Fine

Texte remanié de: Dissertation--Fakultät für Altertumswissenschaften und Orientalistik--Heidelberg--Ruprecht-Karls-Universität, 2002. / Bibliogr. p. 356-373.

Thèse (M.Sc.Géogr.)--Université Laval, 2007. / Titre de l'écran-titre (visionné le 5 mai 2008). Bibliogr.

Cette thèse a cherché à identifier les interactions entre vies familiale, professionnelle et migratoire de trois générations de résidents de Manaus (État d´Amazonas, Brésil), nées entre 1951 et 1983. Nous avons utilisé des données secondaires pour l´analyse générale de la commune, et des données primaires de récits biographiques (depuis la naissance) recueillies par une recherche de terrain, en nous concentrant sur la trajectoire familiale, professionnelle et migratoire. En établissant la relation entre les sphères familiale, professionnelle et migratoire, l´étude de la migration, à partir des biographies individuelles, a apporté une nouvelle signification au phénomène, permettant d´éclaircir des questions qui restaient sans réponse à partir des bases traditionnelles de données, quant à la dynamique de ce processus. / This thesis sought to verify the interactions between family, professional and migratory life of three generations of Manaus’s urban area residents, born between 1951 and 1983. For so, we used secondary data sources for the general information about the city, also using field research to collect data on people’s family, professional and migratory path. By establishing the relationship between the family, professional and migratory spheres of the interviewee’s life, the study of migrations, under biographical perspective, has shown a new meaning, shedding light on questions usually unanswered by traditional databases.