Cette thèse s’inscrit dans une réflexion géographique sur la façon dont les rapports des migrants à l’espace s’accommodent des formes contemporaines de la migration. Le choix des migrants sénégalais et des Gambiens apporte un éclairage sur la manière dont ces individus-acteurs venus de pays pauvres et émigrant vers la métropole européenne de Barcelone, engagent un processus de territorialisation et de construction identitaire. Ce questionnement met aussi en lumière les écarts économiques, spatiaux et culturels qui accompagnent l’expérience migratoire. L’analyse croisée et multi-scalaire de données statistiques et de données qualitatives issues d’entretiens de types biographiques a permis de décrypter le processus de construction de l’habiter en situation migratoire, conçu comme un « système de liens et de lieux » complexe. Cet habiter relève, d’une part, d’une inscription plurielle et différenciée des Sénégalais et des Gambiens dans l’espace à travers leurs pratiques résidentielles, les échanges dans les lieux de vie (travail et sociabilités) et la fabrique de lieux au quotidien, et, d’autre part, de différentes formes d’ancrages et d’identification sous-tendues par une tension permanente entre l’ici et l’ailleurs. L’habiter en situation migratoire se lit également comme un processus temporel, dynamique et fluctuant, se recomposant au fil de la trajectoire de vie des migrants, se réajustant sans cesse en fonction des expériences socio-spatiales et des contextes locaux. Le « savoir habiter » des migrants confirme ainsi une négociation constante entre un ensemble de contraintes et de possibilités, entre logiques individuelles et collectives, faisant émerger différentes formes de territorialisation et figures de spatialité de l’habiter. / This thesis contributes to a geographical reflection on the way in which the relationships of migrants to space are shaped contemporary forms of migration. The choice of the Senegalese and Gambian migrants sheds light on the way by which these individual-actors coming from poor countries and emigrating towards the European metropolis of Barcelona engage in a process of territorialisation and identity construction. This case study also highlights the economic, spatial and cultural gaps which accompany the migratory experience. The combined and multi-scalar analysis of statistical data and qualitative data resulting from biographical interviews enables to decipher the construction process of dwelling in migratory situations, conceived as a complex “system of bonds and places”. Dwelling, is produced on the one hand, by a plural and differentiated inscription of the Senegalese and Gambians in space through their residential practices, the exchanges in their places of living, and the daily construction of places, and, on the other hand, various forms of anchoring and identification underpinned by a permanent tension between the "here" and the "elsewhere". Dwelling in migratory situation is also analyzed as a temporal process, dynamic and fluctuating, recomposing itself along the life trajectory of the migrants, readjusting unceasingly according to the socio-space experiences and the local contexts. The “dwelling capacity” of migrants thus confirms a constant negotiation between a whole of constraints and possibilities, between individual and collective logics, producing various forms of territorialisation and spatial figures of spatiality.

This thesis investigates the potential for return migrants to have an impact on development in the small-state case of Guyana, relative to the non-migrant population. To do this in a fairly comprehensive manner, three specific questions are posed. Firstly, what are the differences among return migrants, non-returning migrants, and non-migrants? Secondly, what are the determinants of return migration to Guyana? And thirdly, what are the potential consequences of return migration to Guyana? The first question allows for an understanding of critical differences among return migrants, non-returning migrants, and non-migrants. This provides information on where, potentially, return migrants show important differences relative to the other groups, and if those differences observed would be useful for development in Guyana. Further, I explore the sustainability of return migration through the concept of mixed embeddedness, looking into the influences of return migrants' desire for re-emigration. Hence, answering the first question is an early signal of where, potentially, return migrants demonstrate attributes that arguably are useful for development in the origin country. In answering the second question, an insight is provided into what determines return. In particular, determinants of return take on a more real-world context, factoring a key eligibility of policy – that of duration of time spent abroad. Lastly, given the multidimensional link between migration and development, the final question tries to understand what the actual nexus between return migration and development is for the case of Guyana. Especially, I explore the direct and indirect impact of return migration, whether return migrants are likely to be of more use in development over non-migrants, and the measurable indicators of this nexus for Guyana. To facilitate the analysis, the thesis first justifies why it is useful to revisit return migration as a potentially useful impetus for development. Here is where the small state case is presented as still valid. It then delves into the relevance of return migration and development linkages for the particular case of Guyana. In the process, it reveals why Guyana is an interesting case, contextualizing the theoretical perspectives that help to rationalize the general arguments, for and against, why individuals leave and some return. The account then notes, where data are available, existing policy practices in some small states as they relate to how governments demonstrate an interest in return migration as useful for origin-state development. The above summarizes the content of chapters 1 and 2. Chapter 3 explains in detail the mixed-method approach used to collect the qualitative and quantitative data required to develop the critical arguments and research results presented in chapters 4, 5, and 6. A two-stage stratified sampling approach with disproportionate fractions was used to collect data on 451 return migrants and 528 non-migrants. This data was pooled with 210 non-returning migrants captured in an online survey using an ethno-survey framework. Additionally, qualitative interviews with representatives of several local institutions with responsibility for return migration policy, data, and concessions delivery were conducted to support the quantitative framework. Notwithstanding the fairly large sample size, the return migration and development story told in this thesis not only dwells on averages, but also on individual reflections of return contained in the data. For the analysis, a mix of standard and novel approaches is utilized. The transnationalism approach, which recognizes the current characterization of the fluidity of migration, combined with the capabilities approach to migration and development, enables a general view on how the nexus is manifested in development outcomes at the individual level. These are the main reference points adapted to guide the conversation on determinants and consequences respectively. Techniques employed for the analysis of determinants and consequences are survival analysis and exploratory factor analysis, including the OLS and Ordered Probit models. The sample demonstrated that return migrants were different on personal and socioeconomic attributes. Migrants returned mainly from countries within the CARICOM region rather than from those further away such as the North America and Other International areas. Return migrants have a tendency to remit prior to returning, even acquiring personal assets before, which can be linked to their duration spent abroad and their host location. On returning, returnees in the sample differed from non-migrants, especially in the areas of educational attainment and current earnings in terms of monthly household income. International migration in terms of the level of development at the host location is an imperative. Return migrants' exposure and enhanced capacity are potentially useful for development. But, the jury is still out on whether this is harnessed to fill development gaps in the origin country Guyana. Nevertheless, returnees can be viewed as ‘elites' which puts this group among those most equipped to (re)-emigrate. Hence, desires for re-emigration are vested not only in the institutional and structural stressors, but also reflect individual attributes of return migrants. Return migration thus does not necessarily complete the migration cycle. Return, demonstrated in the sample mostly by those in the CARICOM region, has been subjected to a number of personal characteristics – migration status among other reasons. Structural factors have not been captured well to reflect the differences in the host countries to that of origin, but something is definitely happening at host locations that engenders the agency of returnees. Capabilities and achievements of migrants returning are indicative of systems and structures at the host locations. Even in the presence of heterogeneity among returnees, return migrants seem to have a positive impact on development in Guyana relative to non-migrants. Returning was also importantly a function the migrant's position/membership in the household at origin, as social attachments inclined them to return. But their contribution on return correlates with the duration spent abroad; the longer time giving migrants better opportunities to prepare, remit, and acquire local assets in some cases. The signal given, therefore, is that, while returnees seem positively related to local development through their human capital, there is no guarantee that they will be contributing to local development if the policy is not designed to extract necessary obligations. While return might be interpreted as success in some cases, migrants juxtapose economic and noneconomic factors in navigating return and re-emigration. As it already obtains, if migrants do not return some still remit which can also contribute to the development of Guyana. This happens if diaspora policy and thoughts of returning are engendered by the non-returning migrant. Transnational ties help to reinforce such thoughts. Notwithstanding, the transnational approach alone cannot explain the many contexts of migration and return. Such would require multiple contextual approaches. The relationships of the consequences of return migration for development in Guyana has been reflected in the extraction of 13 observable indicators. The variables give ideas into the relationship of return and development, that is to say the capabilities and achievements of returnees as compared to non-migrants. But return migrants' achievements, even when this is above that of non-migrants, does not guarantee inputs to wider local development in the presence of structural rigidities. In fact, during the period of exchange rate and foreign exchange restrictions, non-returning migrants could not remit formally, intending migrants could not get access to passports at will, inter alia. The result was a massive underground economy as a coping strategy under import substitution development. Notwithstanding, in the presence of liberal policies and transnationalism, at minimum, migration does do something positive for the migrants and/or the households from which they originate, even if the models used in this thesis exaggerate these outcomes.

Orientador: Leila de Meneses Stein / Banca: Jacob Carlos Lima / Banca: Ana Lucia de Castro / Resumo: O massivo deslocamento de trabalhadores por entre as fronteiras nacionais coloca a questão imigratória como tema fundamental ao atual conflito entre capital e trabalho. A presente dissertação estuda a relação entre a imigração laboral e a indústria de confecção na cidade de São Paulo e na cidade de Nova Iorque, no contexto da reestruturação produtiva do capitalismo. A partir de 1980, surgiram nessas metrópoles pequenas fábricas de vestuário marcadas pela presença de trabalhadores estrangeiros e por condições precarizadas de trabalho. Por meio de uma perspectiva comparativa entre as imigrações históricas e as contemporâneas envolvidas no setor têxtil-vestuário de ambas as metrópoles, pretende-se demonstrar a importância dos significados que a migração internacional imprimiu sobre a indústria de confecção. Tal reconhecimento implica na aquiescência de que a subcontratação de trabalhadores estrangeiros repousa em um vínculo privilegiado entre os imigrantes e a indústria da moda. Ademais, as fábricas de trabalhadores imigrantes mostram-se como locais privilegiados para a observação de uma classe de trabalhadores transnacionais que constrói suas trajetórias de mobilidade social ascendente fora de suas pátrias-mães, entre os meandros da economia informal e do empreendedorismo étnico / Abstract: The massive displacement of workers across national borders raises the issue of immigration as a major theme of the current conflict between capital and labor. This dissertation studies the relationship between labor migration and clothing industry in the city of São Paulo and in the city of New York, in the context of productive restructuring of capitalism. As of 1980, there were these metropolises small garment factories marked by the presence of foreign workers and precarious conditions. This study intends to demonstrate the importance of the meanings that international migration printed on a garment industry by comparing the historical and contemporary migrations involved in the textile clothing of both metropolises. This recognition implies acquiescence that subcontracting foreign workers rests in a privileged bond between immigrants and the fashion industry. Moreover, the factories of immigrant workers show up as privileged places for the observation of a transnational class of workers that builds their paths of upward mobility outside their homeland among the intricacies of the informal economy and the ethnic enterprise / Mestre

Reproduction de : Thèse de doctorat : Sciences économiques. Economie des transports : Lyon 2 : 2006. / Titre provenant de l'écran-titre. Bibliogr.

Th. 3e cycle--Paris 12, [1985].

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:29:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2013-03-08Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:07:46Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 coutinho_bi_me_arafcl.pdf: 947289 bytes, checksum: 17eb97404238eee8d827b1129e2f6641 (MD5) / O massivo deslocamento de trabalhadores por entre as fronteiras nacionais coloca a questão imigratória como tema fundamental ao atual conflito entre capital e trabalho. A presente dissertação estuda a relação entre a imigração laboral e a indústria de confecção na cidade de São Paulo e na cidade de Nova Iorque, no contexto da reestruturação produtiva do capitalismo. A partir de 1980, surgiram nessas metrópoles pequenas fábricas de vestuário marcadas pela presença de trabalhadores estrangeiros e por condições precarizadas de trabalho. Por meio de uma perspectiva comparativa entre as imigrações históricas e as contemporâneas envolvidas no setor têxtil-vestuário de ambas as metrópoles, pretende-se demonstrar a importância dos significados que a migração internacional imprimiu sobre a indústria de confecção. Tal reconhecimento implica na aquiescência de que a subcontratação de trabalhadores estrangeiros repousa em um vínculo privilegiado entre os imigrantes e a indústria da moda. Ademais, as fábricas de trabalhadores imigrantes mostram-se como locais privilegiados para a observação de uma classe de trabalhadores transnacionais que constrói suas trajetórias de mobilidade social ascendente fora de suas pátrias-mães, entre os meandros da economia informal e do empreendedorismo étnico / The massive displacement of workers across national borders raises the issue of immigration as a major theme of the current conflict between capital and labor. This dissertation studies the relationship between labor migration and clothing industry in the city of São Paulo and in the city of New York, in the context of productive restructuring of capitalism. As of 1980, there were these metropolises small garment factories marked by the presence of foreign workers and precarious conditions. This study intends to demonstrate the importance of the meanings that international migration printed on a garment industry by comparing the historical and contemporary migrations involved in the textile clothing of both metropolises. This recognition implies acquiescence that subcontracting foreign workers rests in a privileged bond between immigrants and the fashion industry. Moreover, the factories of immigrant workers show up as privileged places for the observation of a transnational class of workers that builds their paths of upward mobility outside their homeland among the intricacies of the informal economy and the ethnic enterprise

L’émigration internationale de la main-d’œuvre japonaise signe ses débuts au commencement de l’ère Meiji (1868-1912), soit en l’an 1868. Quant à elle, l’histoire de l’émigration, de l’immigration et de la colonisation japonaise au Brésil débute en 1908, lorsque le Kasato Maru (« Vapeur Kasato ») quitte le port de Kôbe pour acheminer les premiers immigrés japonais destinés à travailler sur les plantations caféières de l’État du São Paulo. L’objectif de cette thèse est de montrer que du point de ses agents (personnel politique et compagnie de l’émigration notamment), l’émigration, l’immigration et la colonisation japonaise au Brésil étaient vouées à remplir une mission de premier plan dans la construction du Japon dans l’outremer, notamment en participant activement à l’expansion économique de l’Archipel à l’étranger. Elle a pour point de départ un constat établi par Môri Kôichi, selon lequel la migration des travailleurs Japonais au Brésil, et partant dans l’outremer en général, est trop souvent ignorée par l’historiographie japonaise, alors que selon lui elle compte parmi les processus politiques et économiques qui ont favorisé l’émergence de l’Etat-Nation du Japon, depuis les débuts de l’ère Meiji (1868-1912) et au moins jusqu'à la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Elle repose sur l’idée mise en avant par Nancy L. Green et François Weil, selon laquelle l’histoire migratoire est majoritairement écrite par les pays d’immigration, alors qu’elle mériterait également d’être traitée par les pays d’émigration, dont les « politiques de départ » élaborées par leurs gouvernements révèlent bien que ceux-ci entendaient associer la double entreprise migratoire et coloniale (de type pacifique et agricole) à la construction nationale – et c’est également le cas, nous le croyons, au Japon. Notre travail emprunte sa méthodologie au cadre des études historiques, et repose essentiellement sur l’analyse des archives diplomatiques du Japon relatives à l’émigration, l’immigration et la colonisation japonaise à l’étranger. D’autres documents d’archives en langues japonaise et portugaise viennent compléter le corpus archivistique constitué à cet effet. La thèse est structurée chronologiquement autour de trois périodes. La première, située entre 1868 et 1908, est dédiée au traitement historique des prémices de l’émigration japonaise, et plus notamment aux processus de négociations qui aboutit à l’entame officielle des liens diplomatiques entre le Japon et le Brésil. La seconde, couvrant les années 1910, traite des débuts de l’immigration, mais aussi de la colonisation agricole japonaise au Brésil. Enfin, la troisième propose un traitement complet des années 1920 et 1930 ; deux décennies déterminantes marquées par la montée du nationalisme brésilien, et au cours de laquelle le gouvernement du Japon reprend le contrôle des processus migratoires grâce à la promulgation d’une politique d’aide et d’encouragement à l’émigration en 1925. / The Japanese labor emigration is a phenomenon that has occurred as soon as the Meiji Era has been proclaimed, in 1868, when the Archipelago decided to open its doors to the world. Japanese emigration to Brazil began in 1908 when 781 contracted farmers arrived at the port of Santos in the state of São Paulo. The present dissertation aims at showing that emigration, immigration and colonization in Brazil were designed by its main actors (such as politicians and emigration companies) as a mean for the expansion of Japanese economy abroad, and, in that regard, can be considered to have contributed to the nation-building of Japan. This works rests upon a conclusion drew up by Mori Kôichi, who argues that Japanese emigration to Brazil, but also in the whole world, is not much analyzed by Japanese historians, even though, according to him, it appears to have been one of the main process that supported the emergence of Japan’s State, from the very beginning of the Meiji Era (1868-1912) to the eve of World War II. Its premises rest upon the idea that the history of migrations is mainly written by the receiving countries, however it should also be the concern of sending countries, whose “departure policies” revealed that emigration and agrarian colonization were designed to contribute to the sender State-building process – and we believe this was also true for Japan. The present dissertation borrows the methodological framework of historical studies and, for its major part, rests upon the use of Japan’s diplomatic records dealing with the Japanese emigration, immigration and colonization in Brazil from 1895 to 1942. It is chronologically structured around three periods. The first part, from 1868 and 1908, the focuses on the beginning of the Japanese emigration to Brazil, that is the establishment of diplomatic relations between Japan and Brazil and the organization process of the first departure of Japanese emigrants to Brazil. The second part, from 1908 to 1920, describes the start of both Japanese emigration and Japan’s agricultural colonization in Brazil. The third part finally deals with the Japanese emigration, immigration and colonization during the 1920s and the 1930s; two important decades characterized by the rise of nationalism in Brazil on one hand, and on the other by the active promotion of emigration by Japan’s government, via the implementation of a national policy of emigration in 1925.

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

Doctor of Philosophy / This thesis has tried to construct a comprehensive analysis of a clearly defined community of Egyptian Jews in Australia and France, based on the oral history of Egyptian born migrants. Built around the conceptual framework of forced emigration, integration and acculturation, it looks at the successful experience of this particular migrant group within both Australian and French societies. Like the other Jewish communities of Arab lands, the Egyptian Jewish community no longer exists, as it was either expelled or forced into exile in the aftermath of the three Arab-Israeli wars (1948, 1956, 1967). This thesis argues that the rise of an exclusively Arab-Islamic type of nationalism, the growth of Islamic fundamentalism and the escalating Arab-Israeli conflict constituted the fundamental causes for the demise of Egyptian Jewry. As a consequence, almost half of the Jewish population of Egypt went to Israel. The rest dispersed throughout the Western world, mainly in France, North and South America. In Australia, a small group of around 2,000 found a new home. Apart from those who migrated to Israel, the majority of Egyptian Jews experienced a waiting period in Europe before they were accepted by any of the countries of immigration, a period facilitated by international and local Jewish welfare agencies. My interviewees chose Australia mostly to be reunited with family members. They first had to overcome the racial discrimination of the ‘White Australia’ Immigration policy towards Jews of Middle Eastern origin, a hurdle surmounted thanks to the tireless efforts of some leaders of the Australian Jewish community. With their multiple language skills, multi-layered identity and innate ability to interact with a variety of ethnic groups, they succeeded in establishing themselves in an unfamiliar country that initially welcomed them reluctantly. As such, they can be said to have successfully acculturated and integrated into Australian society, whilst retaining their own cultural diversity. The more numerous Egyptian Jews living in France also successfully acculturated. As a larger group, they were better equipped to assert themselves within the older Jewish/French community and retain their distinctive Sephardi culture. Studies such as the present one provide insight into the process of integration and identity reconstruction, as well as the diverse strategies used to ensure a successful acculturation, and the value of a multi-layered identity.

Texte abrégé et remanié de: Dissertation--Universität Freiburg, 1997. / Bibliogr. p. 327-352.