This thesis examines the methodology prevalent in the analysis of democratic transitions, focusing upon the case study of Spain. Although current literature provides a detailed description of actions taken by elite actors during transition periods and the resultant outcomes, it fails to adequately connect these two factors. This thesis seeks to address the gap in the current literature and to underline the necessity for an explanatory methodology to take into account an amalgamation of approaches. The case of Spain is drawn upon to highlight the importance of the connection between the role of elite actors and the constraints set in place by the system in which they operate. I argue that an awareness of the existing parameters, both institutional and societal, is critical for an assessment of possible action to be undertaken. The methodology of comparative politics provides the ability to ascertain where there exists a failing in current theoretical approaches and to address this problem through increased analysis. An increasingly comprehensive appreciation of the actions of individuals and the underlying forces that drive these actions deepens our understanding of transition processes as a whole. I would argue that this thesis has implications for future research and indeed, relevance in the actual practice of politics. An awareness of the connection between the individual and the overriding political system is paramount for our understanding of democratic transitions and for future investigation of such processes. In this way, the thesis underlines that the connection between the micro and macro interpretations of transitions is fundamental; not only to guiding systematic analysis, but also to ensuring that research does not remain in the confines of the theoretical but is relevant in the real world.

Recent reform agendas have emphasised a perceived need to bring the European Union (EU) institutions and the citizens of the member states and closer together, as a means of enhancing the legitimacy of EU governance. The debate on the future of the EU, the initiative which led to the signing of the constitutional treaty in October 2004, addressed the challenge of 'bringing closer' by incorporating civil society in to the treaty reform process. In this thesis I investigate the role played by transnational civil society organisations in helping to bring citizens and institutions closer together. I employ the notion of democratic linkage to describe and explain the downward-facing interactions between civil society organisations and ordinary citizens, which have sometimes been neglected, as well as their upward-facing interactions with elite decision-makers. Drawing upon data from qualitative interviews with 25 civil society organisations and six officials from various EU institutions I find serious discrepancies between the rhetoric of the EU institutions on bringing citizens closer, and the capacities and willingness of the civil society actors involved as well as the opportunities for doing so.

The term 'democratic deficit' often masks an unjustified presupposition that the EU should follow similar democratic practices to those found in national arenas. Attempts to replicate national democratic Institutions tend to lead to unsatisfactory solutions at the EU level. A legitimate and democratic Union may involve innovations for which there are no precedents in national experiences of democratic politics. In effect, this Thesis, "New Stories on the European Union's democratic deficit" reviews a range of theoretical discussions on democracy, legitimacy and European integration and suggests how these might be useful in framing practical proposals for institutional change at the EU level. These proposals envisage at the future direction and development of the EU towards a substantially democratic and legitimate Euro-polity under the conceptual and theoretical framework of a meta-national democracy. The term meta-national suggests from the very beginning that the EU is not a State or a Super-State, and consequently its democratic dimensions should be judged at a different level, the European one. Under this concept, the Thesis further proceeds with analysing the fundamental issues of a growing democracy which consists of: 1) a system of multi-level governance, and not a government; 2) an autochthonous civic-value driven demos; 3) channels of civic and political participation at all levels, individual and collective; 4) elements of EU constitutionalism; 5) an on-going process of accountability; 6) a constructive process of transparency and openness. This is only an indicative list of the many elements that can be generally attributed to the Union's continuing and growing democracy. They have particularly been selected as they involve recent changes and are currently supported by the White Paper on European Governance which in setting in motion a reform process responds to the author's expectations developed under the theoretical framework of a meta-national democracy. Finally, under that same conceptual framework, the Thesis comes to the conclusion that the EU is democratic and enjoys legitimacy. By opening up the policy-making process to enable more people and civil society organisations to become actively involved in the shaping and delivering of EU policies, it offers real opportunities for deliberation and participation. Patterns of access and interwoven levels indicate the existence of a system of multi-level governance which in turn embraces the notion of a `polity'. It promotes a new understanding of a European demos (a politically organised people) which is not based on ethno-national and cultural affinities but rather on commonly shared civic values. In terms of assuring a high degree of popular legitimacy, it provides for a Bill of Rights and Fundamental Freedoms which neatly combines the constitutional structure, based in the founding Treaties and the national constitutions of the EU Member States. It elevates openness and transparency to fundamental principles of Community law, yet, being of a nascent constitutional character. Lastly, it promotes greater accountability and responsibility for those involved in the legislative and executive processes of the EU policy- making.

Governance in the European Union is being transformed through the increased use of agencies to perform a range of functions in a variety of policy areas. The European Commission believes that agencies can add value but admits that their establishment has not been accompanied with a “common understanding” of their roles and purposes. In this thesis, I take the approach that such an understanding is best reached through examination of existing agencies. Focusing on the most common type of agency in the EU, i.e. Community Agencies, this thesis provides a four-level analysis. At the conceptual level, the thesis deals with the ‘agency’ concept. Drawing on public management literature, the empirical level involves classification of these diverse bodies. The contribution of the thesis at the theoretical level is to identify the key driving factors behind agency establishment; following a theoretical framework devised from new institutionalist theories I trace and analyse the establishment process of four case study agencies. The research reveals that to fully understand the establishment of agencies we need to draw on more than one strand of new institutionalism, as they can explain different aspects of agency creation. As a wider outlook the thesis reflects on the role of agencies, relating it to the wider academic debates on the ‘regulatory state’ and its implications for legitimacy.

This research project focuses on the impact of the EU's internal security policy on Turkey during its accession process. It investigates the conditions that determine the EU's success in effecting the changes in the internal security of Turkey. In order to limit the field of Justice and Home Affairs, the study selects the fight against Organised Crime, Terrorism and Drugs as its case studies. It takes Turkey's application for EU membership in 1987 as the starting point of the analysis and concludes in 2010. It tracks domestic change in Turkey by considering the adoption of the EU acquis, the development of its administrative capacity and the extent of internal security cooperation with the EU. The research aims to provide insight into the way the EU operates the external dimension of JHA towards applicant states, the conditions under what it exerts through influence of JHA, and the extent to which the EU shapes the internal security of Turkey during the enlargement process.

This thesis is a study of Conservative Party views on education during the period 1944-1966, and, in particular, it considers the extent to which a ‘conservative ideology’ is implicit in Conservative attitudes and policies. Chapter one examines some of the ways in which the term 'ideology' has been used. It suggests that it may be used to describe a body of ideas and values which, though not necessarily set down as a comprehensive system of ideas, may be seen to be implicit in the policies and statements of members of a political group. Such an ideology may then be described by theorists, not as a guide to action, but more as a reflection upon past and present actions and attitudes. As such, some ideas associated with conservatism are examined. Chapter two considers the extent to which a conservative ideology was implicit in the structure of education in England and Wales before World War Two and suggests that Conservative acceptance of the 1944 Education Act, was in part, the result of a shift in attitudes to society and policies within the country. Chapter three considers Conservative acceptance of the implementation of the 1944 Act, mainly by the Attlee Government. Chapters four to seven examine attitudes to education during the period of Conservative Government 1951-64 and trace the emergence of the case for comprehensive education and the development of the Conservative case, which, basically opposed a fully comprehensive system. Chapter eight summarises the Conservative position in the mid 1960's. Chapter nine summarises Conservative attitudes to education 1944-1966 and considers the extent to which a conservative ideology may be seen to be implicit in these attitudes and policies.

This thesis examines the influence of the Conventional Armed Forces in Europe Treaty (CFE) on security in the European Continent after 1990. This study analyses and describes the origins of the CFE treaty and its development from the late 1990s until signing the CFE agreement during the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, which took place in November 1990 in Paris. In the history of Europe, the 1990s appear as a turbulent time. The end of the Cold War, collapse of communistic governments in some European countries and efforts of certain states toward NATO membership created a specific background during which armed forces reductions were formulated by the leading powers. This thesis further analyzes the relationship between NATO and the CFE treaty, their mutual cooperation, and describes the approach of selected countries toward the CFE settlement. Its also describes the new strategic shape of Europe influenced directly by resolutions of the CFE treaty. However, this agreement shouldn't be viewed as unanimous. The outcome wasn't achieved easily. Even after November 1990, there was still disagreement within certain nations concerning treaty decisions. Therefore, the main part of thesis focuses on usefulness of the CFE treaty in contemporary European security mechanisms.

The growing internationalisation of governance in the modern era means that states are increasingly interconnected. In this process, democratic governance has often taken second place to the demands of a neoliberal system that emphasises market-based solutions to social organisation and deregulation of structures based in the democratic realm of states. This dissertation is an exploration of the role democracy plays in regional governance bodies, focusing specifically on the European Parliament and its role in the European Union as an example of this. The dissertation argues that there is a role for democracy in global governance, and that the European Parliament represents a positive step towards introducing the wishes of citizens into political structures above the level of the state. It uses a three-stage immanent criticism developed from the early work of Max Horkheimer to explore the parliament in its historical, present, and potential functions. Built on a critical philosophy that understands the social world as a product of historically materialist action, this dissertation seeks not just to describe the functions of the Parliament, but also to suggest ways in which they might develop past their current limitations. Following a methodological discussion on the application of immanent criticism, the dissertation engages in a theoretical analysis of the complex concepts of democracy and governance as a prelude to the exploration of the Parliament. The dissertation then utilises a range of interviews and documentary evidence to present a thesis that has two main claims. Firstly, it argues that the European Parliament represents a new form of democratic regional structure that represents both states and citizens, and introduces an element of democratic accountability to governance above the level of nation states. Secondly, the thesis contends that the Parliament, as part of the wider Union, possesses the potential for greater democratic function. In making this argument, the dissertation suggests a range of practical ways to improve democracy and governance in the Parliament, and by extension in other similar regional political bodies. These include the introduction of greater democratic influence on decision making, increased transparency, dedicated European political parties, and a stronger role for civil society bodies. The dissertation concludes that democratic governance has the potential to present an alternative to the dominant neoliberal structures that currently shape much of the international political, economic, and social environment.

This thesis investigates the European Union’s (EU) conceptualisation of outer space security in the absence of clear borders or boundaries. In doing so, it analyses the means the EU undertakes to secure the space segments of its critical outer space infrastructures and the services they provide. The original contribution to knowledge offered by this thesis is the framing of European outer space security as predicated upon anticipatory mechanisms targeted towards critical outer space infrastructures. The objective of this thesis is to contribute to astropolitical literature through an analysis of the EU’s efforts to secure the space segments of its critical outer space infrastructures, alongside a conceptualisation of outer space security based upon actor-specific threats, critical infrastructures and anticipatory security measures. The EU’s Galileo and Copernicus programmes are identified as future critical outer space infrastructures through their services’ expected contributions to EU-level policy-multiplication and European states and societies, making them examples of regional and global European space power projection. Following the designation of the Galileo and Copernicus programmes as critical outer space infrastructures, the thesis details the dangers and risks, both intentional and environmental, which the EU has publicly acknowledged as being the most threatening. Although the specific risk assessments for the Galileo and Copernicus projects are confidential, the generic dangers and risks for satellites in Lower Earth Orbit and Middle Earth Orbit referred to in EU policy documents are explored, including space debris, space weather phenomena, orbital congestion and the possibility of the future weaponisation of near-Earth space.

This thesis discusses whether berserkir really went berserk. It proposes revised paradigms for berserkir as they existed in the Viking Age and as depicted in Old Norse literature. It clarifies the Viking Age berserkr as an elite warrior whose practices have a function in warfare and ritual life rather than as an example of aberrant behaviour, and considers how usage of PDE ‘berserk’ may affect the framing of research questions about berserkir through analysis of depictions in modern popular culture. The analysis shows how berserksgangr has received greater attention than it warrants with the emphasis being on how berserkir went berserk. A critical review of Old Norse literature shows that berserkir do not go berserk, and suggests that berserksgangr was a calculated form of posturing and a ritual activity designed to bolster the courage of the berserkr. It shows how the medieval concept of berserkir was more nuanced and less negative than is usually believed, as demonstrated by the contemporaneous existence in narratives of berserkir as king’s men, hall challengers, hólmg†ngumenn, Viking raiders and Christian champions, and by the presence of men with the byname berserkr in fourteenth-century documents. Old Norse literature is related to pre-Viking Age evidence to show that warriors wearing wolfskins existed and can be related to berserkir, thus making it possible to produce models for Viking Age and medieval concepts of berserkir. The modern view of berserkir is analysed and shows that frenzy is the dominant attribute, despite going berserk not being a useful attribute in Viking Age warfare which relied upon men holding a line steady rather than charging individually. The thesis concludes that ON berserkr may be best translated as PDE ‘champion’, while PDE ‘berserker’ describes the type of uncontrollable warrior most commonly envisaged when discussing berserkir. Most illustrations have been removed from the digital version of this thesis for copyright reasons. The references in the captions guide the reader to the original source for those illustrations.