En este trabajo nos hemos interesado por las actitudes ciudadanas hacia el Estado de las autonomías y la política autonómica, y cómo estas actitudes afectan a la manera en que los ciudadanos toman sus decisiones de voto en las elecciones autonómicas. En la primera parte nos hemos centrado en las preferencias sobre la organización territorial del Estado. Aquí, hemos podido describir las preferencias y conocer sus causas, y analizar cómo éstas pueden haber cambiado con el tiempo. Hemos extraído dos conclusiones fundamentales. Primero, hemos comprobado que las distintas preferencias dependen fundamental (pero no exclusivamente) de las predisposiciones políticas de los individuos, en concreto, del sentimiento de pertenencia y de las autoubicaciones ideológicas. Segundo, se evidencia que las predisposiciones políticas de los individuos no siempre se han traducido en las mismas preferencias concretas sobre la organización territorial del Estado, y que estos cambios parecen ajustarse a los posicionamientos cambiantes de los partidos. Esto indica que al tratarse la cuestión autonómica de un tema de enfrentamiento político, en el que las negociaciones partidistas juegan un papel fundamental en la definición del proceso autonómico, las élites políticas disfrutan de una capacidad muy importante para activar y modificar las preferencias de sus seguidores. En la segunda parte de esta investigación nuestro interés se ha centrado en las relaciones de los ciudadanos con la política y las elecciones autonómicas. Aunque estas elecciones sirven para elegir parlamentos y gobiernos con importantes atribuciones, existen dudas acerca de si los ciudadanos fomentan sus decisiones de voto sobre consideraciones relativas a la política autonómica. Dos cuestiones teóricas emergen. Los ciudadanos, al tomar sus decisiones de voto, ¿tienen en cuenta el rendimiento de gobiernos y líderes autonómicos, o se dejan llevar por consideraciones de alcance estatal? ¿Por qué unos electores votan en clave española mientras que otros lo hacen en clave autonómica? Para responder a estas preguntas, hemos analizado diferentes aspectos de la relación entre ciudadanía y política autonómica: los niveles de interés por la política autonómica, y el grado de conocimiento de la distribución de competencias y de las principales figuras políticas autonómicas; la habilidad de la ciudadanía para mantener evaluaciones separadas de los actores políticos estatales y regionales; y las consideraciones que utilizan los votantes en sus decisiones de voto autonómicas. La evidencia sugiere que el elemento más característico de la política autonómica es el componente identitario, lo que tiene profundas implicaciones en cómo la opinión pública se relaciona con las instituciones. Así, los ciudadanos con un sentimiento de identificación con la comunidad autónoma más intenso tienden a estar más a favor de la descentralización política, lo que les hace estar más atentos e informados acerca de la política autonómica, y a dar mayor importancia a estas consideraciones autonómicas en sus decisiones de voto. En cualquier caso, no parece que estemos delante de una característica exclusiva de los territorios donde existen proyectos nacionales alternativos (como en Cataluña y el País Vasco), sino ante una particularidad de toda la política autonómica en España. Sin embargo, las predisposiciones afectivas no son la única fuente de variación en las actitudes y comportamientos de los ciudadanos. También aparecen variaciones según la sofisticación política de los individuos y en función del contexto político de la comunidad autónoma. Así, los ciudadanos con un mayor nivel educativo, y aquellos que residen en comunidades autónomas gobernadas por un partido distinto al partido que ocupa el gobierno estatal, tienden a dar más peso a los elementos autonómicos en sus decisiones de voto. / This dissertation deals with citizens’ attitudes towards the State of autonomies and regional politics, examining how these attitudes influence voting patterns in Spanish regional elections. The study is divided in two sections. The first part analyses constitutional preferences regarding the territorial organization of the State. Here we describe citizens’ preferences and their variations, and then look for the individual causes of the different choices. We draw two main conclusions. First, individual preferences depend fundamentally (but not exclusively) on political predispositions, namely, national identity and ideology. Second, the changing positions of the parties adjust very well to the changes in the relationship between individual political predispositions and preferences over time. This is the case because the regional question is a contentious issue in Spanish politics, and because the devolution process is in flux and its development depends heavily on arrangements between parties. Thus, political elites seem to play a pivotal role in the changing relationship between political predispositions and constitutional preferences in Spain. The second part focuses on citizens’ awareness and involvement in regional politics and elections. Although regional elections are used to elect parliaments and governments with significant powers, there is some doubt as to whether voters base their decisions in these elections on considerations related to the regional or the national political arena. Thus, two theoretical questions emerge. In regional elections, do voters take the performance of governments and regional leaders into account, or are their choices instead driven by national considerations? Are there any variations in how voters approach regional elections depending on their individual characteristics or the context in which they make their choices? In order to answer these questions I have analysed different aspects of regional politics: citizens’ level of interest in regional politics and their knowledge of the distribution of powers and the regional political figures; voters’ ability to maintain separate evaluations of regional and national political actors; and the factors considered by voters in regional elections. The evidence suggests that the most characteristic element of Spanish regional politics is national identity, which has profound implications for how public opinion relates to the regional institutions. Those with a stronger sense of identification with their region tend to more strongly favour political decentralization, which makes them more aware of and informed about regional politics; consequently, they give more weight to regional politics in their voting decisions. In any case, this is not an exclusive feature of regions where national alternative projects exist (mainly Catalonia and the Basque Country), but rather a characteristic element of Spanish regional politics in general. However, affective predispositions are not the only source of variance. Cognitive and contextual differences also emerge. Thus, those with higher levels of education and those who vote in regions where the incumbent party is different from the party in national office also focus more strongly on regional considerations in their voting choices.

Election boycotts are a common occurrence in unconsolidated democracies, particularly in the developing world, with prominent examples from recent years occurring in Venezuela, Zimbabwe, and Ethiopia. Despite the frequent occurrence of boycotts, there are few studies available in the scholarly literature concerning the effectiveness of electoral boycotts, particularly as a strategy of opposition parties seeking to bring about the end of electoral authoritarian governments. This paper is based in the democratization literature, with a particular focus on the behavior and vulnerabilities of hybrid or electoral authoritarian regimes. Using an original dataset with global coverage including hybrid regimes from 1981 to 2006, this paper uses event-history analysis to determine the efficacy of boycotts in national elections among other risk factors thought to undermine electoral authoritarian regimes as well as the possibilities for subsequent democratization occurring following both contested and boycotted electoral processes.

This dissertation examines the recent introduction of U.S.-style, image-based political management techniques into Colombian politics, a phenomenon facilitated by the comprehensive market and political reforms of the 1990s. The Colombian elites who favored these reforms hoped to dismantle the clientelistic networks of private interests that, in their view, perpetuated a corrupt, ineffective, and at times, collusive two-party system. They hoped that a multi-party system would provide Colombian voters with real political choice. However, despite these efforts, clientelism continues to thrive under the new regime. With party/faction loyalty no longer the dominant driver in elections, campaigns now hire political managers to guide voters’ choices based on individual candidates’ appeal. Ironically, these practices have created “electoral industries,” networks of voters organized around political figures as opposed to party platforms. These electoral industries have easily adapted to existing clientelistic networks, the very networks the reforms were meant to dismantle. Meanwhile, through the language of market segmentation, political elites have publicly moralized clientelism’s resilience, characterizing it as a persistent, anti-modern behavior that can be objectively correlated with lower class voters. Their portrait of clientelism stands in stark contrast to the liberal political subjectivity (grounded in individual choice) that they attribute to urban middle and upper classes. According to these ideas, political managers mobilize specific technologies meant to more effectively manage each kind of vote. While lower class voters are managed through face-to-face networks and informal channels of communication, middle and upper class voters are reached through broadcast media and web-based social media. By looking at the institutional platforms, expert knowledge, political technologies and normative political ideas at work in the organization of these environments for political participation, my work explores the features of liberalism that allow clientelism and media-based politics to coexist, and even thrive, under a single system. Specifically, I trace the emergence of a form of “strategic citizenship,” to borrow Partha Chatterjee’s term, that I argue is the latest guise that the transactional dimensions of liberalism has taken.

In this dissertation we study the problem of making electronic voting trustworthy through the use of cryptographic end-to-end (E2E) audits. In particular, we present a series of novel proposals for cryptographic election verification with a focus on real-world practicality. We begin by outlining fundamental requirements of E2E election verification, important properties for a real-world settings, and provide a review of previous and concurrent related work. Our research results are then presented across three parts. In the first part we examine how E2E election verification can be made more procedurally familiar to real-world voters and election administrators. We propose and implement an E2E add-on for conventional optical-scan based voting systems, and highlight our experiences running an election using this system in a United States municipality. In the second part we examine how E2E election verification can be made more conceptually and procedurally simple for election verifiers/auditors. We present a non-cryptographic E2E system based on physical document security assumptions as an educational tool. We extend this system to a cryptographic setting to show how the procedures of cryptographic election verification can be completed with relatively tiny software code bases, or by using common-place programs such as a desktop spreadsheet. We then present an approach that allows verifiers to conduct cryptographic audits without having to plan for it prior to an election. In the third part we examine how the methods in the first part can be extended to provide a level of privacy/distribution of trust similar to that of classical cryptographic voting protocols, while maintaining the (comparatively) intuitive optical-scan interface. To that end, we propose a novel paradigm for secure distributed document printing that allows optical-scan ballots to be printed in a way that still lets voters check their ballots have been counted, while keeping their voting preferences secret from election officials and everyone else. Finally we outline how the results obtained in each of the three parts can be combined to create a cryptographically end-to-end verifiable voting system that simultaneously offers a conventional optical-scan ballot, ballot secrecy assured by a distribution of trust, and a simple, cryptographically austere set of audit procedures.

<p>Less democratic countries conduct elections under the majoritarian electoral formula more often than under proportional representation by a wide margin. Yet, robust democratic systems utilize both majoritarian and PR electoral formulas with great success. This dissertation approaches this empirical puzzle and tries to unveil what role, if any, electoral formulas play in politics.</p><p> To do so, it focuses on the electoral process exclusively and utilizes Judith Kelley's recently completed comprehensive dataset on election quality to perform some large-sample statistical analyses of the relationship between the electoral formula, ethno-cultural polarization and election quality. Then, it presents three in-depth case studies of Nigeria, Ghana and Indonesia to unveil in more detail institutional origins and the mechanisms of electoral manipulation, as refracted through the electoral formula. </p><p>The conclusions reached are that PR is much better suited for conducting free and fair elections in ethno-culturally polarized countries. Yet, majoritarian and mixed formulas perform just as well when polarization is low. This finding is directly related to an ongoing debate by institutional designers and academics alike and provides systematic quantitative and detailed qualitative support. The study also suggests that PR might not only mediate inter-ethnic differences when disagreement is high, but also reduces the level of polarization if applied over several electoral cycles.</p> / Dissertation

Elections are the engine that drives democracy. The central question of this dissertation relates to the speed of that engine: How long does it take for elections to reflect changing preferences in the electorate? The findings presented in this dissertation suggest that electoral change is the result of a gradual process of natural selection in which the political environment, rather than district service activity, is the key variable. Comparing elections data across different types of district environment, I find evidence that the environment affects levels of competition and electoral outcomes. Utilizing an event history statistical model to examine various risk factors for electoral defeat, I find that the political environment of the district is the most important factor influencing the risk of defeat even when controlling for district service behaviors. Over time, the district environment operates as a self-correcting mechanism, purging political misfits and replacing them with representatives who better reflect the ideology of the district. Electoral change typically results more from evolution than revolution – it may not occur quickly, and it may not occur in every district, but it does occur when and where it is needed.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Riverside, 2009. / Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 160-169). Issued in print and online. Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations.

This study analyzes the rationale used by the Supreme Court in the 2010 case, Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission. The majority opinion and dissent were dissected and scrutinized for any weaknesses. After careful review and comparison with First Amendment theories and scholarly articles, it was found that the majority opinion and final decision were poorly reasoned and created a dangerous political communication landscape and a weakened Marketplace of Ideas.

This research investigates the discursive construction of Hong Kong identity in mediated political communication, in order to understand the relationship between media discourse and the political economy of the media in Hong Kong, as well as the political and economic context in Hong Kong, and thereby reveal the dynamic of the involvement of the media in the politics of Hong Kong identity. It is argued that the Hong Kong identity has changed substantially over the past few decades, and that these changes have been shaped by broader political changes, economic developments and cultural shifts, all of which have been filtered through the Hong Kong media system. To demonstrate this, the thesis employs a novel combination of textual and contextual analysis, drawing on analytical techniques and concepts from corpus linguistics, critical discourse analysis, the political economy of the media, and sociological theories of identity. To be able to assess the relative role of the media system factors and the broader contextual elements in shaping the mediated representations of Hong Kong, the research encompasses two case studies, one focusing on the media coverage of the 2004 interpretation of the Basic Law regarding universal suffrage, the other on the coverage of the Chief Executive Election in 2005. The analysis reveals that the mediated construction of Hong Kong identity is closely related to the political economy of individual newspapers the newspaper type, its readership, ownership, political affiliation and commercial orientation. The comparison between the two case studies also shows that the media representations of identity are also inflected by the characteristics of the broader society of Hong Kong, its politics and economy at the chosen points of time. The results of the study contribute to a better understanding of Hong Kong, its identity, political culture, and its media system. These results also suggest that the analytical approach used, based on a parallel examination of the political economy of the media and the discursive constructions of identity in the media, has a lot to offer and could be fruitfully applied to other cases around the world.

The special role courts play in a democracy requires designers of constitutions to consider the delicate trade-offs between democratic accountability and judicial independence. This dissertation analyzes the decisional consequences of state supreme court institutional structures. States utilize several types of election and elite reconfirmation, and each method carries a systematically different risk of incumbent defeat. My theory predicts that as reappointment uncertainty increases, judicial independence decreases. I define judicial independence as decisions made by judges using only considerations that are internal to the rule of law. I measure judicial independence by quantifying the external influence of partisan, elite, popular, and economic pressures applied to judges. I conclude by considering the normative implications of the empirical findings. Because judicial independence is a problem of optimization, not maximization, constitutional designers hope to strike a balance between some form of judicial accountability, popular constitutionalism, and judicial independence. / text