En este trabajo nos hemos interesado por las actitudes ciudadanas hacia el Estado de las autonomías y la política autonómica, y cómo estas actitudes afectan a la manera en que los ciudadanos toman sus decisiones de voto en las elecciones autonómicas. En la primera parte nos hemos centrado en las preferencias sobre la organización territorial del Estado. Aquí, hemos podido describir las preferencias y conocer sus causas, y analizar cómo éstas pueden haber cambiado con el tiempo. Hemos extraído dos conclusiones fundamentales. Primero, hemos comprobado que las distintas preferencias dependen fundamental (pero no exclusivamente) de las predisposiciones políticas de los individuos, en concreto, del sentimiento de pertenencia y de las autoubicaciones ideológicas. Segundo, se evidencia que las predisposiciones políticas de los individuos no siempre se han traducido en las mismas preferencias concretas sobre la organización territorial del Estado, y que estos cambios parecen ajustarse a los posicionamientos cambiantes de los partidos. Esto indica que al tratarse la cuestión autonómica de un tema de enfrentamiento político, en el que las negociaciones partidistas juegan un papel fundamental en la definición del proceso autonómico, las élites políticas disfrutan de una capacidad muy importante para activar y modificar las preferencias de sus seguidores. En la segunda parte de esta investigación nuestro interés se ha centrado en las relaciones de los ciudadanos con la política y las elecciones autonómicas. Aunque estas elecciones sirven para elegir parlamentos y gobiernos con importantes atribuciones, existen dudas acerca de si los ciudadanos fomentan sus decisiones de voto sobre consideraciones relativas a la política autonómica. Dos cuestiones teóricas emergen. Los ciudadanos, al tomar sus decisiones de voto, ¿tienen en cuenta el rendimiento de gobiernos y líderes autonómicos, o se dejan llevar por consideraciones de alcance estatal? ¿Por qué unos electores votan en clave española mientras que otros lo hacen en clave autonómica? Para responder a estas preguntas, hemos analizado diferentes aspectos de la relación entre ciudadanía y política autonómica: los niveles de interés por la política autonómica, y el grado de conocimiento de la distribución de competencias y de las principales figuras políticas autonómicas; la habilidad de la ciudadanía para mantener evaluaciones separadas de los actores políticos estatales y regionales; y las consideraciones que utilizan los votantes en sus decisiones de voto autonómicas. La evidencia sugiere que el elemento más característico de la política autonómica es el componente identitario, lo que tiene profundas implicaciones en cómo la opinión pública se relaciona con las instituciones. Así, los ciudadanos con un sentimiento de identificación con la comunidad autónoma más intenso tienden a estar más a favor de la descentralización política, lo que les hace estar más atentos e informados acerca de la política autonómica, y a dar mayor importancia a estas consideraciones autonómicas en sus decisiones de voto. En cualquier caso, no parece que estemos delante de una característica exclusiva de los territorios donde existen proyectos nacionales alternativos (como en Cataluña y el País Vasco), sino ante una particularidad de toda la política autonómica en España. Sin embargo, las predisposiciones afectivas no son la única fuente de variación en las actitudes y comportamientos de los ciudadanos. También aparecen variaciones según la sofisticación política de los individuos y en función del contexto político de la comunidad autónoma. Así, los ciudadanos con un mayor nivel educativo, y aquellos que residen en comunidades autónomas gobernadas por un partido distinto al partido que ocupa el gobierno estatal, tienden a dar más peso a los elementos autonómicos en sus decisiones de voto. / This dissertation deals with citizens’ attitudes towards the State of autonomies and regional politics, examining how these attitudes influence voting patterns in Spanish regional elections. The study is divided in two sections. The first part analyses constitutional preferences regarding the territorial organization of the State. Here we describe citizens’ preferences and their variations, and then look for the individual causes of the different choices. We draw two main conclusions. First, individual preferences depend fundamentally (but not exclusively) on political predispositions, namely, national identity and ideology. Second, the changing positions of the parties adjust very well to the changes in the relationship between individual political predispositions and preferences over time. This is the case because the regional question is a contentious issue in Spanish politics, and because the devolution process is in flux and its development depends heavily on arrangements between parties. Thus, political elites seem to play a pivotal role in the changing relationship between political predispositions and constitutional preferences in Spain. The second part focuses on citizens’ awareness and involvement in regional politics and elections. Although regional elections are used to elect parliaments and governments with significant powers, there is some doubt as to whether voters base their decisions in these elections on considerations related to the regional or the national political arena. Thus, two theoretical questions emerge. In regional elections, do voters take the performance of governments and regional leaders into account, or are their choices instead driven by national considerations? Are there any variations in how voters approach regional elections depending on their individual characteristics or the context in which they make their choices? In order to answer these questions I have analysed different aspects of regional politics: citizens’ level of interest in regional politics and their knowledge of the distribution of powers and the regional political figures; voters’ ability to maintain separate evaluations of regional and national political actors; and the factors considered by voters in regional elections. The evidence suggests that the most characteristic element of Spanish regional politics is national identity, which has profound implications for how public opinion relates to the regional institutions. Those with a stronger sense of identification with their region tend to more strongly favour political decentralization, which makes them more aware of and informed about regional politics; consequently, they give more weight to regional politics in their voting decisions. In any case, this is not an exclusive feature of regions where national alternative projects exist (mainly Catalonia and the Basque Country), but rather a characteristic element of Spanish regional politics in general. However, affective predispositions are not the only source of variance. Cognitive and contextual differences also emerge. Thus, those with higher levels of education and those who vote in regions where the incumbent party is different from the party in national office also focus more strongly on regional considerations in their voting choices.

The topic of this thesis is the regional elections 2012 on example of South Bohemia region. In the theoretical part were described the regional administrative bodies and principles of regional elections. The practical part dealt with the analyses of the elections results and application of features of the second-order elections, which were described by Karlheinz Reif and Hermann Schmitt in the 70s years of the last century. In the theses was verified, that the government parties in the second order elections lose. These parties reached a minimum at mid-term of the legislative period and in this period lost a lot of their popularity. The most important aspect of second-order elections is that there is less at stake. This is the reason why the level of participation was lower in this type of elections. The last part of thesis deals with Theory of political coalitions. In the regional elections 2012 was established the minimal winning coalition, which included two left-wing political parties.

This thesis analyzes the election campaigns of six parties and movements (ANO 2011, ČSSD, TOP 09, ODS, KSČM, KDU-CSL) and one coalition (SPD-SPO). The aim of the diploma thesis is to analyze the election campaigns before the regional councils, which took place on 7.10. - 8.10.2016. In terms of methodology, qualitative research was applied in the diploma thesis. The first part of the thesis focuses on political marketing, which was used in the regional elections in 2016. The second part of the thesis deals with the campaigns of five parties of one movement and one coalition. Political parties have used various forms of political marketing in their campaigns. Elections to regional assemblies did not have one crucial topic to unify the entire political spectrum. Not even within the opposition was a single unifying theme linking the opposition against the government. Each political party chose its sub-theme. All parties had a centralized campaign. CSSD, KDU-ČSL and TOP 09 had a centralized campaign in part. Political party budgets ranged from 16 to 111 million. The least invested in the SPD-SPO coalition and most of the hnutí ANO 2011.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze strategies of political marketing of the Czech Social Democratic Party and the political movement ANO 2011 in the Czech regional elections 2016. Furthermore, the work aims to analyze their media image in selected economic and political weeklies (Euro, Respect and Week). This thesis will attempt to answer the following questions through content analysis and qualitative interviews: What were the main differences in political strategies of those political parties? Were there some variations in interpretation of their media images in the selected magazines? The thesis is structured into four chapters. The first chapter defines the main terminology of political marketing. The second one is devoted to media-politics relations and to the Czech media. The third analytical part characterizes marketing strategies of the political parties. The last chapter interprets the results of content analysis.

Diploma thesis "The Preferential voting of the Koalice voters in the elections for the Chamber of Deputies in 2002. Never more with the KDU-ČSL into the coalition" is concerned with the preferential voting of the Koalice voters in the elections in 2002 in selected electoral districts which are The Liberec Region, The Hradec Králové Region and The Zlín Region. The thesis focuses especially on the question in how big municipalities gained the KDU-ČSL and the US-DEU canditates the highest support from voters, wheter there was a connection between the distribution of preferential votes for the KDU-ČSL candidates and theUS-DEU voters of the Koalice in 2002 with distribution of preferential votes for these parties by the Čtyřkoalice voters in the regional elections in 2000; whether the structure of municipalities, in which the Koalice voters in 2002 and the KDU-ČSL and the US voters in 1998 in the elections for the PSP ČR bestowed the highest and the lowest percentage of preferential notes, was different; whether the proportion of preferential votes for the KDU-ČSL and the US-DEU candidates was connected with a local variability of the chosen sociodemografic variables and what was the distribution of regional electoral support of the best succesful candidates in 2002. The basic level of the almost whole...

Need to form a coalition accompanies most of legislative bodies in multi-party systems without directly-elected executive, including party system in the Czech Republic. This thesis analyses coalition building processes and coalitions formed after regional elections in 2000, 2004, 2008 and 2012. Main goal is to identify what factors, trends and party behaviour patterns affects coalitions bargaining and final form of a coalition. Secondary goal is to evaluate the stability and continuity of these factors and trends. In order to achieve these goals, diachronic and synchronous comparative analyses was used together with quantitative method of voting power measurement. Text is divided into four chapters. First chapter is devoted to discussion about American and European approach to the study of theory of coalitions. Two points of view of motivation of political parties to compete in the elections are presented: Office and Policy seeking. Second part of this chapter is focused on multi-level governance with emphasis on specifics of the coalition formation process and relationships between parliamentary and regional systems. Second chapter presents method of voting power indices. In the third chapter regional political system of Czech Republic, its organs, powers and voting system are described. Final chapter contains the analysis of coalitions and coalition bargaining. Chapter is divided into two parts; one focused on coalition formation in particular regions and second analyzes continuous and long-term factors and trends.

Landtagswahlergebnisse in der BRD werden von empirischen Wahlforschern häufig als aktuelle Stimmungsbarometer für die Bundespolitik interpretiert. Bei dieser Interpretation von Landtagswahlen als \"Bundestestwahlen\" wird jedoch häufig vernachlässigt, dass Landtagswahlen überwiegend auch Regionalwahlen sind und landestypischen Dynamiken folgen. Empirische Untersuchungen zu Bestimmungsfaktoren von Landtagswahlverhalten wurden in Deutschland bis dato entweder in Form von qualitativen Einzelfallanalysen oder als Aggregatdatenanalysen der amtlichen Wahlstatistiken durchgeführt. Eine direkte und vergleichende Quantifizierung der Effektstärken mit Survey-Daten wurde allerdings bislang nicht vorgenommen. Die vorliegende Studie wertet deshalb im Rahmen eines replikativen Surveys 17 Landtagswahlstudien aus. So können die Effektstärken der individuellen Bewertung der Bundes- versus der Landesparteien auf die Landtagswahlentscheidungen direkt verglichen werden. Als Fazit zeigt sich, dass in Westdeutschland die Beurteilung der Landesparteien einen stärkeren Einfluss auf die individuelle Landtagswahlentscheidung ausübt als die Beurteilung der Bundesparteien. In Ostdeutschland prägt dagegen bei Landtagswahlen die bundespolitische Dimension das Abstimmungsverhalten der Wähler stärker. Die Parteipolitikverflechtung zwischen Landes- und Bundesebene ist somit bei Landtagswahlen in Ostdeutschland erheblich stärker ausgeprägt als in den alten Bundesländern. / Electoral studies often interpret German regional election results ("Landtagswahlen") as barometers of public opinion on federal governmental parties' performance. However, while interpreting German regional elections as "test-elections" for the national parliament, it is often underemphasised that subnational elections often follow a unique regional dynamics. So far, empirical investigations on the determinants of German regional elections consist either in qualitative case studies or aggregate analyses of official statistics. A quantitative study of individual-level survey data, comparing directly the explanatory power of the federal versus the subnational level, is still lacking. Conducting a repeated survey design, we analyse data from 17 German regional election surveys. Thus, the effects of individual assessments of federal parties versus their subnational counterparts on subnational voting preferences can be directly compared. The conclusion of our analyses can be summarized as follows: In Western Germany, the valuation of subnational parties has a stronger impact on individual voting preferences in subnational elections than the valuation of the federal parties has. However, in Eastern Germany, the federal dimension has a comparatively stronger effect. Hence, the federal – regional ("Länder") party system linkage is clearly stronger in Eastern than in Western Germany.

This thesis is dedicated to political campaigns in Central Bohemian Region and Liberec Region during regional elections what took place 7th and 8th of October 2016. Both of these regions were chosen as a sample which represents both nationwide parties but also local parties. The author processed vast amount of data, what was lately analyzed and compared. For the research was used content analysis, which enables to code clearly the entering data. Among the examined data were the election formations' election programs, candidate lists (respectively, the amount of local candidates within those candidate lists), election formations' propagation on the social medium Facebook, and a usage of a printed media during the campaign (respectively, how successful was the campaign communication and how different election formations used advertising). This diploma thesis is primarily based on second-order elections. Based on relevant literature were identified several contact points within the campaigns characteristic for this kind of elections. Thanks to a number of research questions, this diploma thesis answers the main aim, which is, if those election formations approached those elections as the second-order elections.

yužití politického marketingu na regionální a senátní o využití vybraných nástrojů politického jejich podobě a způsobu fungování během regionálních a senátních voleb v roce 2016. důrazem na odlišnosti. Podoba politického marketingu a způsob jeho fungování se do značné tohoto důvodu obsahuje práce srovnání volebních systémů do krajských zastupitelstev a Senátu Parlamentu České republiky. Stěžejní část práce představuje praktická část, která srovnává podobu, průběh a způsob fungování vybraných aspektů politického marketingu v rámci volebních kampaní během krajských a senátních voleb. Práce se zaměřuje zejména na specifika odlišných volebních kampaní, které jsou realizovány ostoru a čase, avšak při příležitosti odlišných druhů

Czech party system can be described as relatively young compared to other, especially western European party systems. However in these days we can identify a number of regional parties inside it. This work answers the question how we can accurately identify which political entities belong to the group of regional parties in the context of the Czech Republic and which not. Likewise, it brings analysis of the position of these kinds of formations in the Czech political system. The theoretical part deals with the definition of "regional party". It brings several different theoretical approaches, which deal with the definition of that term, and then examines the application of the definition of regional parties to the case of the Czech Republic. In the analytical part, which is a case study, there is defined circuit of Czech regional parties. After that it is presented comprehensive analysis of these subjects on base of official documents of these parties, such as their articles of association, political program etc., as well as statistical data kept in the databases of central government authorities of the Czech Republic and interviews with members of selected regional formations. Particular attention is paid to these phenomena: the circumstances of creation of selected regional parties, as well as...