This thesis offers a reconsideration of Amelia Opie’s career as a novelist in the light of her developing religious allegiances over the period 1814-1825 in particular. In twentieth-century scholarship, Opie (1769-1853) was often treated primarily as the author of Adeline Mowbray (1805) and discussed in terms of that novel’s relationship with the ideas of Wollstonecraft and Godwin. Recent scholarship (Clive Jones, Roxanne Eberle, Shelley King and John B. Pierce) has begun a fuller assessment of her significance, but there is still a need for a thorough discussion of the relationship between her long journey towards the Quakers and her commitment to the novel as a moral and entertaining medium. Many scholars (Gary Kelly, Patricia Michaelson, Anne McWhir and others), following Opie’s first biographer Cecilia Lucy Brightwell (1854), have represented Opie as giving up her glittering literary career and relinquishing fiction-writing completely: this relinquishment has been linked to Quaker prohibitions of fiction as lying. My thesis shows that Quaker attitudes to fiction were more complicated, and that the relationship between Opie’s religious and literary life is, in turn, more complex than has been thought. This project brings evidence from a number of sources which have been overlooked or under-utilised, including a large, under-examined archive of Opie correspondence at the Huntington Library, Opie’s last novel Much to Blame (1824), given critical analysis here for the first time, and the republications which Opie undertook in the 1840s. These sources show that Opie never abandoned her commitment to fiction; that her move to the Quakers was a long and fraught process, but that she retained a place in the fashionable world in spite of her conversion. My Introduction gives a nuanced understanding of Quaker attitudes to fiction, and the first chapter exposes the ‘white lies’ of Opie’s first biographer, Brightwell, and their legacy. I then move on to examine Opie’s early works – Dangers of Coquetry (1790), “The Nun” (1795) and The Father and Daughter (1801) – as she flirts with radicalism in the 1790s, and Adeline Mowbray is explored through a Quaker lens in chapter 3. I juxtapose Opie’s correspondence with her Quaker mentor Joseph John Gurney and the celebrated writer William Hayley with her developing use of the moral-evangelical novel – Temper (1812), Valentine’s Eve (1816) and Madeline (1822) – as Opie was increasingly attracted to the Quakers. Chapter 5 analyses Opie’s anonymous novels – The Only Child (1821) and Much to Blame (1824) – alongside her Quaker works (especially Detraction Displayed (1828)) around the time of her official acceptance to the Quakers (1825). The final chapter investigates how Opie balanced her Quaker belonging with her ongoing commitment to fiction, exemplified in her 1840s republications, which I present in the context of her correspondence with publisher friends Josiah Fletcher and Simon Wilkin, and with Gurney. Opie’s ‘white lies’ of social negotiation reveal her difficulties in maintaining a literary career from the 1790s to the 1840s, but her concerted effort to do so in spite of such struggles provides a highly significant insight into the changing religious and literary climates of this long period.

In this dissertation, I explore issues of cultural exchange and identity among 18th-century Spaniards and Spanish Americans via archaeological remains and documentary evidence. These were years of intense cultural refashioning, on both sides of the Atlantic. In Spain, the advent of the French-based Bourbon dynasty resulted in the spread of French fashions which infiltrated and altered notions of Spanish social identity. Spanish Floridians, already confronting an evolving American identity, had to amalgamate the changes occurring in the homeland. New ceramic forms, technology, and aesthetics reflect how people throughout the Spanish Atlantic remade their lifestyles, partially in each other's image. I examine ceramics from three 18th-century domestic sites: La Calle Corredera in Jerez de la Frontera, Spain, and the Francisco Ponce de León and Juan de Salas households in St. Augustine, Florida. To enable direct comparison between Spain and Florida, I developed a new classification system that encompassed forms found in both places, linked to references in contemporary dictionaries, probate inventories, and cookbooks. This approach revealed almost simultaneous change on both sides of the Atlantic, demonstrating rapid exchange and shared tastes and behaviors. At all three sites, people adopted new culinary styles and table settings to match. The rising popularity of French cuisine led people to use fewer bowls and more flat plates, suggesting a diminished role for traditional stews. In Spain, new cup and saucer forms emerged to accommodate American chocolate. On both sides of the Spanish Atlantic, French- and English-inspired matching sets of dishes and visually distinctive Mexican ceramics reflected changing aesthetics. At the same time, Spaniards and Spanish Americans continued using older vessel forms for cooking as well as personal hygiene, suggesting a degree of cultural continuity in some areas of life. In the 18th century, the Spanish Atlantic was a zone of busy cultural exchange. St. Augustinians followed Spanish fashions to declare their heritage while their Spanish counterparts emphasized their trans-Atlantic reach by incorporating American goods into their own lives. In this dynamic place and time, native Spaniards and Spanish Americans built a common cultural identity by simultaneously maintaining traditions and embracing change. / 2017-05-31T00:00:00Z

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The Rev. Edmund Jones (1702-1793), the 'Old Prophet' of the Transh, Pontypool, is a fascinating character for many reasons, not least of which is his writing on apparitions, spirits, fairies, and magic in his Geographical, Historical, and Religious Account of the Parish of Aberystruth (1779) and Relation of Apparitions of Spirits in the Principality of Wales (1780). These works were not merely written for an antiquarian purpose, but rather present a defence of Jones's deep-seated belief in these spirits' existence. On the surface, such a belief, professed so late in the eighteenth century, may seem 'unenlightened' or atavistic, but far from it, Jones's belief was consistent with his overarching cultural worldview which was set within and influenced by the environment in which he lived. This study examines that environment in an attempt to understand the contexts and formation of Jones beliefs and writings. It begins by examining the socio-economic changes occurring in eighteenth-century north-western Monmouthshire, focusing on changes in transport and communication, industry and social composition, literacy and the availability of printed word, the medical industry, and systems of charity and welfare; and the impact of these different social elements on the way in which the supernatural was conceptualized in local culture. The second section focuses on Jones's role as a religious figure involved in the eighteenth-century religious Revival and the state of religion in the area before turning to Jones's theology and how this impacted on his conceptualization of spirits and their interaction with the mundane realm. The study then turns to the intellectual environment in which Jones wrote and how his works fit with contemporary intellectual trends. Finally, the thesis examines the folkloric content of Jones's works and the ways in which all of the disparate environmental elements discussed throughout demonstrate themselves in his writings.

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In seventeenth-century France a new type of theatre was established to correspond to the ideals and taste of the dominant social group. As part of the process a particular ideal was forged for the new-style actor. Moulded by classical writings on acting and actors which suggested that the; style of serious, cultured acting operated within the same aesthetic as that of oratorical delivery, this ideal similarly identified refined acting with principles of pronuntiatio and the bienséance acceptable in contemporary formal discourse As a result of this identification no separate art of acting was considered necessary in seventeenth-century France, the rules and principles of expression of emotion in oratorical delivery being accepted as valid for serious acting. It is to these rules and. principles therefore that recourse must be made if the style of seventeenth-century acting and the approach of the actor at this period are to be appreciated. Study of seventeenth-century French treatises on oratorical delivery indicates the extent to which expression of emotion was considered to require study and practise of basic principal which would enable the speaker to evoke a particular passion by appropriately moving tones and accompanying gesture, and yet at the same time remain within a socially-acceptable range. Interpretation of seventeenth-century writings Oil actors and acting in light of these principles highlights the declamatory nature of serious acting of this period. The actor was understood to approach his role with a view to representing and thus exciting passions through effective vocal variation and suitably decorous accompanying gesture (body-language). Attention was focused upon the actor's voice, upon his moving tones and cadences, and upon the grace with which he used his body to reinforce such emotional portrayal. During the eighteenth century this conception-of acting and the style it had produced were called into question. Acting began to evolve its own aesthetic, an aesthetic based upon impersonation of character through personal identification and experience of the effects of emotion in real life. Study of rules to regulate emotional expression and imitation of the best models were abandoned in favour of cultivation of artistic sensibility: recourse to the imagination and personal sensitivity. In the process emphasis shifted from the voice to non-linguistic ways of showing feeling on the stage, and gestural expression released itself from subjection to social bienséance and enriched its range and potential. Evidence of these trends as well as fidelity to or reaction against principles of bienséance may be traced in writings on acting and delivery of the first half of the eighteenth century. At the beginning of the century acting theory was still rooted in and patterned on the model of pronuntiatio. By 1750 it had established its worth as an independent art with principles more directly based upon the dramatic experience.

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315f. / Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-06-04T15:11:54Z No. of bitstreams: 1 SANTOS, Fabricio Lyrio - Da catequese à civilização.pdf: 4069116 bytes, checksum: 89804631e04ae60c015dd95f995de38c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela(anapoli@ufba.br) on 2013-06-04T17:42:35Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 SANTOS, Fabricio Lyrio - Da catequese à civilização.pdf: 4069116 bytes, checksum: 89804631e04ae60c015dd95f995de38c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-06-04T17:42:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 SANTOS, Fabricio Lyrio - Da catequese à civilização.pdf: 4069116 bytes, checksum: 89804631e04ae60c015dd95f995de38c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / CAPES / Ao longo do período colonial, diferentes concepções a respeito das populações indígenas e da catequese foram formuladas e colocadas em prática na América Portuguesa. A partir da segunda metade do século XVIII, novas diretrizes referentes a essas questões foram definidas no âmbito do reformismo ilustrado pombalino (1750-1777). A promulgação das leis de 6 e 7 de junho de 1755 e do alvará com força de lei de 8 de maio de 1758 indicavam mudanças significativas em termos da política a ser seguida e no tocante ao papel da Igreja, com consequências importantes quanto à atividade desempenhada pelo clero regular. Após a abolição da jurisdição temporal e espiritual dos religiosos sobre os índios e a transformação das aldeias em vilas, um número crescente de agentes civis e militares passou a ocupar o lugar deixado pelos religiosos, assumindo o papel de “civilizadores” dos índios. Simultaneamente, o verbo civilizar e o substantivo civilidade – presentes na legislação da década de 1750 – passaram a figurar com destaque cada vez maior no discurso colonial, deixando em segundo plano as noções de “catequese”, “conversão” e “cristianização” dos povos nativos. O propósito deste trabalho é discutir o impacto dessas mudanças na capitania da Bahia, buscando percebê-las como parte da configuração de um novo modelo político e religioso ancorado na ideia de “civilização dos índios”. Throughout the colonial period, different conceptions about the indigenous peoples and their catechesis have been formulated and put into practice in Portuguese America. From the second half of the eighteenth century, the Marquis of Pombal’s enlightened reformism (1750-1777) has placed new guidelines regarding these issues. The enactment of the laws of June 6-7, 1755 and the legal charter of May 8, 1758 pointed out significant changes in the policy to be followed as well as in the role of the Church, with important consequences on the activities of the regular clergy. After the abolition of temporal and spiritual jurisdiction of the Church over the Indians and the transformation of villages into towns, an increasing number of civilians and militaries have began to assume the role of “civilizing” the Indians. Simultaneously, to civilize and civility – recurrent terms in the 1750s legislation – became more prominent in the colonial discourse, putting aside concepts as “catechesis”, “conversion” and “Christianization” of Indians. The purpose of this dissertation is to discuss the impact of these changes in the captaincy of Bahia, considering them as part of a new political and religious model grounded in the idea of “civilization of the Indians”. / Salvador