Thesis (Ed.M.)--Boston University / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / 2031-01-01

Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro Sócio-Econômico. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Economia. / Made available in DSpace on 2012-10-22T18:03:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 227256.pdf: 602297 bytes, checksum: fe323a52adad674acae0e4a2534436d2 (MD5)

The purpose of this study is to explore the interconnectedness between the history and cultural memory of the United States-Mexico border with a focus on the period 1821 – 1854. In 1821, Mexico gained its independence from Spain; in 1836 it lost its northern province of Texas and in 1848 it acceded half of its existing territory to the United States. The study will explore the connections between this historical narrative and the cultural memory using three cases: Texas, California, and Arizona. The study provides an overview of the historical narrative demonstrating how such narratives are constructed. A model of Hispanicism based on Edward Said’s Orientalism will also be used to provide an understanding of how the cultural constructs and cultural memory reveal an hegemonic framework to the process. The thesis also sets this particular study within the context of limology, the interdisciplinary study of borders and borderlands. It will focus particularly upon Emanuel Brunt-Jailly’s 4 lens model of borders in order to provide a framework for the study. A range of cultural artefacts will be analysed in each case study to demonstrate how cultural memory structures the historical narrative. The main cultural focus for the Texas case study will be that of the Alamo cenotaph and Alamo films. The California case study will explore the cultural construct of the California Pastoral, a romanticised memory of the state’s Hispanic past. The artefacts examined include public festivals that celebrate California’s Hispanic past, the California novels of Gertrude Atherton and the myth of Joaquín Murrieta. The Arizona case study explores the concept of cultural amnesia though an examination of the process by which the Hispanic past is excluded from cultural memory. Finally the project seeks to apply the result in an exploration of the contemporary political framework.

This is a socio legal study of social regulation on domestic violence in Peru with particular reference to the South Andean communities It reviews the development and implementation of the state legal remedies on domestic violence. The thesis examines law as a result of historical processes, having different meanings for and impact on the various sectors of the Peruvian population Andean communities are the product of the exploitation and resettlement of the original native people. The thesis considers the way in which these communities from a subordinated position perceive state agencies and legal institutions. It is argued that Andean people do not perceive the legal system as a granter of fundamental rights but rather as a perpetrator of abuse From this perspective, the thesis studies how Peruvian feminists have come to see law as a tool by which to improve the position of women affected by domestic violence. It argues that this approach has not taken sufficient account of the reality of Andean women, their perceptions of domestic violence and their strategies for combating this violence. The study examines this reality and pays particular attention to the role of the judges of the peace in Andean women's strategies. It argues that Andean women are building a different social account of law which is at present not recognised by mainstream legal strategies designed to tackle domestic violence in Peru.

This thesis engages with and intervenes in a number of insurgent, emergent, and re-emergent, pedagogies and theoretical frameworks of increasing relevance to area studies and, more broadly, challenges the discipline of American Studies to expand its theoretical and textual bases. Here the challenges of transnationalism (as a concern which all area studies need to address) and hemispherism (a concern more specifically related to American Studies) are the key motivating factors for the proposed reconfiguration of the discipline outlined in the thesis. These are pervasive and important strands of political, economic, social, cultural, and academic life, but which the discipline of American Studies has been slow to recognise and incorporate in any meaningful way. The problem here lies in the fact that for American Studies the nation remains an unquestioned and seemingly immoveable priority: studies of the U.S. become as exceptionalist as the object of their study. This project proposes that this subservience to the centre (the nation-state) at the expense of the periphery (the nation’s borders) can be redressed by returning to a much narrower sphere of experience: the region. Paradoxically, this will allow for an expansion of the purview of American Studies, enabling centrifugal readings of American (in its continental sense) culture to develop, rather than the centripetal analyses which have been the subject of much vexed discussion amongst scholars over recent years. By focusing on borders – regions which are always already transnational – this thesis aims to demonstrate that in shifting our focus only slightly beyond national boundaries, new critical techniques might be developed which can revitalise American Studies. The study’s introductory chapter contextualises the theoretical framework from which the entire thesis proceeds, and develops and articulates the broader challenge to the discipline of American Studies which motivates the research. U.S. regionalism is introduced and interrogated through short case studies of New Mexico (the region considered the capital of early twentieth-century regionalism) and The Federal Writers Project (the New Deal venture that sought to tap into the potential of regionalism). Herein, regionalism is demonstrated to be far from autonomous of nation and nationalism. Woven alongside these studies is an overview of the founding principles of American Studies, demonstrating how the concept of region always collapses into the broader concept of nation in both regionalism and American Studies itself. In counterpoint to these homogenising moves, the real-and-imagined cross-border North American territories of Cascadia and Aztlán are introduced and make way for an examination of the concept and practise of regionalism in both Canada and Mexico, revealing its manifestations in these territories to be much closer to the supposedly oppositional stance which U.S. regionalism originally suggests as its primary intention. With this potential oppositional regionalism outlined, the thesis moves to answer the various calls for new critical vocabularies to articulate the heterogeneous cultural life of North America and finds such a language in the work of Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari. Taking their concepts of the rhizome, nomadism and minor literature – as ideas that are designed with the task of challenging binary and hierarchical theorising specifically in mind – the thesis demonstrates that such concepts are immanent in a number of literary texts that emerge from and engage with North America’s borders. Works by Américo Paredes, Laurie Ricou and Guillermo Verdecchia are thus positioned as texts that simultaneously produce and enact narrative strategies that give voice to alternative identities that are not beholden to singular national identities. Having thus dislodged the nation-state as the predominant determiner of identity and ideology the thesis, via an in-depth discussion of nomadism, then seeks to draw an alternative critical cartography through which the Mexican and Canadian borders with the U.S. can enter into dialogue with one another in ways that disrupt the privileged subjectivity that U.S. ideology holds over representations of these sites. Tracing the shared histories of the trickster Coyote, and coyote the people smuggler, the thesis gestures towards ways in which critics can subvert (in the manner of Coyote) understandings of border regions, and smuggle new perspectives on region into view (in the manner of the coyote). Finally the thesis moves to answer its key hypothesis: whether canonical material can be opened up to new avenues of interpretation if it is considered from a borderlands position and, relatedly, whether crossing the borders of North America can allow more marginal material to speak more loudly within the field of American Studies. Studying the music of Bruce Springsteen and The Band, the thesis argues that, in so doing, a multitude of alternative understandings of nation and unconventional regional affiliations can be uncovered. This has much to offer, in particular, to recently re-emergent considerations of Indigenous sovereignty in North America and the thesis concludes by gesturing towards possible further avenues of research that place regional considerations above those of nations.

The driving ambition of this thesis lies in identifying and disclosing distinct and divergent examples of 20th century American long poems. This task will be carried out with a particular focus on stressing the idiosyncrasies of these practices rather than merely revising previous attempts at constructing a lineage or history of the American long poem. What is crucially at stake in this proposed critical movement is a distinction between ‘The Long Poem’ as an object of literary history as opposed to an ‘act of extended inquiry’ which can be comprehended in and on its own terms. In this task, I employ three key terms: Idiosyncrasy, Extension and Inquiry, which together frame my project as a disclosure of how poetic texts extend idiosyncratically over significant length, breadth and depth. In discussing ‘idiosyncrasy’ I necessarily negotiate questions of subjectivity, perception, intersubjectivity— namely, the questions which are proposed and explored by phenomenology. In this regard, my methodology is informed by a phenomenological taxonomy, developed from the writings of Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Martin Heidegger, Emmanuel Levinas and Jacques Derrida. The grouping of poets featured in this thesis are all American writers who have published extended works since the 1950s, and each is associated to varying extents with schools of avant-garde, post-Modernist or ‘New’ poetics. George Oppen has been regarded as an ‘Objectivist’ poet and is often discussed alongside his contemporaries Zukofsky, Lorine Niedecker and Charles Reznikoff; James Schuyler’s close association with Frank O’Hara, Barbara Guest and John Ashbery locate him among the New York School in the 1950s; Robin Blaser was instrumental in many of the publications and events which surrounded the San Francisco Renaissance; Lyn Hejinian, Susan Howe and Leslie Scalapino all published poems and works of poetics in L=A=N=G=U=A=G=E school publications in the 1970s-80s; and Rachel Blau DuPlessis has worked since the 1970s with both Language and Objectivist poetics, though her sustained interest in and engagement with ‘the long poem’ distinguishes her as a leading figure in the discourse of extended poetics in her own right. In each of these readings, significant efforts are made to discuss each poet outside of their conventional place within their ‘school’ or ‘tradition’. The purpose of this is to seek access to the idiosyncrasies of poets and their works as opposed to merely relying on generalised reckonings. In this manner, the specific ways in which individual poets extend their poetics into substantial inquiries will be made apparent using the terms employed by the poets themselves. It is my intention for this thesis to stand as an opening of the discourse of ‘The American Long Poem’ to complex and developed questions of extension in poetry, with a view to framing 20th century American poetics as being particularly oriented towards carrying out intellectual and perceptive inquiries in the form of works of poetic extension.

Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro Sócio Econômico, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais, Florianópolis, 2016. / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-20T05:09:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 341499.pdf: 2580910 bytes, checksum: bc97cf6152e25ed2f92e1788963a29ce (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016 / Avalia-se, nesta dissertação, a relação existente entre a queda da dependência energética brasileira extrarregional, observada entre 1969 e 2010, e o processo de integração energética promovido pelo Brasil na América do Sul. Os dois questionamentos basilares de pesquisa são: 1 ? de que forma a política externa brasileira de integração energética se compara às linhas gerais da sua política externa de integração na América do Sul e; 2 - de que forma a integração energética foi capaz de diminuir a dependência energética extrarregional brasileira. As hipóteses formuladas previram a existência de um processo mais ambicioso de integração energética, assim como o fato da diminuição da dependência extrarregional brasileira poder ser relacionado à promoção de projetos de integração energética. Assim, este estudo evidenciou que a política de integração energética brasileira na América do Sul entre 1969 e 2010 resultou em alterações na matriz energética brasileira, o que fez com que a integração energética assumisse posição de destaque na política externa brasileira de integração regional, porém, sem gerar um processo mais aprofundado de integração. As alterações observadas na matriz energética brasileira têm relação direta com dois fatores centrais: o aumento da importação e exportação de energia entre o Brasil e os seus países vizinhos, demonstrando certa complementariedade energética na região; e a diversificação das fontes que compõem a matriz energética brasileira, conferindo prioridade ao uso de fontes com grandes reservas regionais e nacionais. Esses fatores foram relevantes em diminuir a dependência energética brasileira extrarregional, fortalecendo a posição internacional do país e da região em períodos de crise energética.<br> / Abstract : It?s evaluated in this dissertation the relationship between the descent of the Brazilian energy dependence, observed between 1969 and 2010, and the process of energy integration promoted by Brazil in South America. The two basic questions of research are: 1 - how Brazilian foreign policy of energy integration compares to the broad lines of its foreign policy of integration in South America; 2 - how energy integration was able to reduce Brazilian extra-regional energy dependence. By the hypothesis we assume a more ambitious project for energy integration, as well as the correlation between the decrease in Brazilian extra-regional energy dependence and energy integration. This study showed that the Brazilian energy integration policy in South America between 1969 and 2010 resulted in changes in the Brazilian energy matrix, which meant that energy integration assumed a prominent position in Brazilian foreign policy of regional integration. The changes observed in the Brazilian energy matrix are directly related to two main factors: the increase in imports and exports of energy between Brazil and its neighbors, demonstrating certain energy complementarity in the region; and the diversification of the resources that make up the Brazilian energy matrix, giving priority to the use of sources with large regional and national reserves. These factors were relevant on the decrease of Brazilian extra-regional energy dependence, strengthening the international position of the country and of the region in energy crisis periods.

This thesis analyses debates over the economic future of postbellum Utah Territory, in order to demonstrate the connection between economic expansion and the promotion of a homogenous ‘American’ identity. Following the American Civil War, a dominant Republican establishment sought to reform Utah Mormons, whose practices of polygamy, theocratic government and economic protectionism represented a rejection of key party values. While support for reforming Mormonism was widespread, anti-Mormon advocates struggled to pass stronger legislation due to the limits of federal authority. Many Republicans came to believe that economic integration offered the potential for a gradual reformation of Utah. Creating systems of economic reciprocity and demonstrating the benefits of capitalist culture would weaken Mormons’ desire for isolationism and erode their peculiarities. The development of a transcontinental railroad and promotion of mining in Utah became tools of assimilation, ways to spread the values of the dominant political power. The Mormon leadership made efforts to resist these market pressures, both rhetorically and practically. It warned its followers of the long-term risks of economic integration and tried to introduce redistributionist initiatives which would foster group spirit and create a more equitable society. However, the reluctance of many Saints to adhere to Church regulation would repeatedly undermine these efforts, as the attractions of the free market made inroads that political reform had struggled to achieve. By the end of the century, a transformation had taken place within Mormon society. The encroachment of capitalist networks into Utah had damaged the Church’s ability to maintain regional autonomy and resulted in the adoption of more ‘American’ business practices. While Mormon economic discourse demonstrated how fringe groups could respond to the pressure to adopt free-labour capitalism, the Church’s inability to create an alternative socioeconomic model shows how the expansion of trading networks formed a key part of postbellum Republican nationalisation.

Cuba’s post-1960 political and economic relationship with the USSR has long been debated, especially the extent to which the connection shaped the Cuban Revolution. Consequently, readings of the occasionally conflictive relationship between Cuba’s state authorities and its cultural world have often relied on stereotypes inherited from Western interpretations of the USSR or the 1948-89 Socialist Bloc; such readings assuming that cultural policy was clearly defined and enforced by Soviet-style apparatchiks or Castro. While perhaps understandable for 1971-6, when the National Cultural Council (CNC) was led by ex-members of the pre-1959 communist party, recent research suggests that we look beyond the surface to see that ‘policy’ was often empirically formed and constantly challenged. Yet, perhaps due to those common assumptions, little has been written about real Soviet influence on Cuban culture, and different sub-periods during the 30-year Cuban-Soviet alliance have largely been ignored. This thesis seeks to address this oversight in the scholarship of Cuba and the USSR by examining the Soviet influence on Cuban culture, specifically the theatre and the visual arts, between 1961 and 1986. It interrogates the ways in which culture was linked to the political priorities and nation building goals of the revolutionary leadership and how these differed from, or coincided with, the aims of the Soviet government. In doing so, it analyses the way in which culture and cultural interactions between the two countries were organised. Using evidence from materials (magazines, pamphlets, work plans, declarations) gathered from archival work in Havana and Moscow, and supported by interviews with Cuban artists and intellectuals, this study establishes that culture acted as a discursive space in which deliberations about the nature of the Cuban Revolution could take place in a way that they could not in other spheres. It also concludes that, throughout the period studied, the USSR occupied a conflicting position, acting as both a model to be learned from but also a force to be resisted. Furthermore, this thesis makes two important contributions to existing knowledge of the Cuban-Soviet relationship. First, that the 1970s, and the period known as the quiquenio gris in particular, were not ‘Soviet’ but rather nationalist and macho. Second, that the most ‘Soviet’ period in terms of structure, organisation and demands placed on artists was the 1980s when the component roles of art were separated as part of the revolutionary government’s ongoing fight for independence.

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