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This thesis examines some of the influences America had on France in the late eighteenth century, and argues that they contributed to the French Revolution.

This thesis describes the sixty years of transatlantic interaction, connection, dislocation and reconstruction in Anglo-Carolinian trade between 1730 and 1790. Focussing on about two dozen of London’s ‘Carolina traders’, it integrates their personal and collective stories of profit and loss, reputation and notoriety, and political activity and inactivity, with the broader forces they shaped and were in turn shaped by – forces of economic growth, political stability and instability, and imperial harmony and disharmony. Through their conjoined political and commercial agency – a dual role better appreciated by contemporaries than by historians – they profoundly influenced commerce between Britain and South Carolina. Their intermediation served firstly as a stabilising force in the Anglo-Carolinian polity as they procured favourable treatment for the colony’s goods and represented its grievances in the imperial metropolis. An important influence on this was their ‘absentee’ ownership of property in South Carolina and the thesis explores in depth the underappreciated prevalence and significance of this transatlantic absenteeism. From the mid-1760s, however, the traders’ political and commercial agency aggravated intra-imperial discord. Disputes between British merchants and their Carolinian correspondents reflected in microcosm the geo-political shifts of the time and reveal at an inter-personal level how resistance to British imperial authority developed among Carolinians. Furthermore, these disputes played a constitutive role in this resistance, as the purported commercial iniquities and political orientations of British merchants led their correspondents to question and reject the commercial and political norms that had once sustained Anglo-Carolinian relations. The thesis thus helps explain how South Carolina moved, often imperceptibly, against British authority during the 1760s and early 1770s by emphasising commercial discord within the growing political-economic friction. It further contributes to the burgeoning historiography of the eighteenth-century ‘Atlantic world’ by exploring the reconstruction of trading links between Britain and South Carolina after American independence. It reveals how strongly these were influenced by pre-war politics. In so doing, it demonstrates that Carolinians exercised greater commercial discretion after the war than contemporaries and historians have appreciated, and thus challenges contentions of South Carolina’s continuing commercial subservience to British trading interests.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-09-14T18:16:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafael João Dias.pdf: 1704235 bytes, checksum: e2df6e1cac0122c4bdbec9cad09f1e94 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-14T18:16:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafael João Dias.pdf: 1704235 bytes, checksum: e2df6e1cac0122c4bdbec9cad09f1e94 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-04 / Conselho Nacional de Procuradores-Gerais / The global economic transformations that have occurred in the last decades, especially in the post-Cold War, are fundamental to understand the dynamic and expanding phenomenon that comprehend the formation of regional economic blocs as strategic alternatives to develop country areas. The challenge of globalization has forced African countries to look for integration as a viable path to sustain the development zone process. The African continent shows fragile and vulnerable aspects that aggravate several challenges such as logistical infrastructure, network transport system and the persistent situation of poverty and misery, resultant of a long colonial period, political failures occurred during the post-independence period and imperialists polices. This research analyzes the state of regional integration, focusing on the commercial, economic and financial policies in regional schemes, especially on the West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU). The economic and monetary integration offers advantages in terms of monetary stability, growth, competitiveness, financial markets development and stronger participation in the global economic scenario. The integration can benefits the financial and commercial market, although it needs a minimum level of regional regulatory activities to define and naturally promote the intended development. The member States must organize and implement the regional activities. Particularly, the integration process is being important for the African development, however the distribution of benefits is unequal / As transformações econômicas mundiais ocorridas nas ultimas décadas, sobretudo no pós-guerra fria, são fundamentais para entender as dinâmicas e expansão do fenômeno da formação de blocos econômicos regionais como ferramentas estratégicas para os países em desenvolvimento. O desafio da globalização imposta aos países africanos impusera a necessidade da integração como alternativa viável para sustentar o processo de desenvolvimento da região. O continente Africano mostra aspectos frágeis e vulneráveis que agravam a vários desafios, tais como infraestrutura logística, sistema de rede de transporte e à situação persistente de pobreza e miséria, resultante de um longo período colonial, à qual se soma erros políticos cometidos no período pós-independência e as políticas exercidas pelos imperialistas. Este trabalho analisa o estado da integração regional no que diz respeito às relações comerciais, políticas econômicas e financeiras em regimes regionais, principalmente, União Econômica e Monetária do Oeste Africano (UEMOA). No decorrer da pesquisa constatamos que, em especial, a integração econômica e monetária regional oferece vantagens em termos de estabilidade monetária, o crescimento, a competitividade, o aprofundamento dos mercados financeiros e maior participação na economia global. Apesar dos benefícios que a integração pode trazer ao comercio e as finanças são necessárias um nível mínimo de atividades regulatórias para definir e naturalmente, promover o desenvolvimento almejado. Os Estados Membros necessitam organizar e implementar as atividades regionais. Particularmente, embora o processo de integração esteja sendo importantes para o desenvolvimento dos países membros, as distribuições dos benefícios são desiguais

This dissertation examines the architecture of the French, American, and Haitian revolutions as well as the French 1848 Revolution and the Paris Commune. The traditional historiography of neoclassical and Beaux-Arts architecture considers it as coextensive with the establishment of the nation-state, culminating in the institution building of the French Second Empire and postbellum United States under the banner of liberal nationalism. By examining moments of insurrection against the state and spaces outside of the conventional construal of the nation, I complicate this interpretation by highlighting its slippages and crises. My hypothesis is that democracy, as a form of social and political life, is intrinsically anarchic and paradigmatically revolutionary, and that architecture cultivates the aims and paradoxes of revolution. Revolutionary conditions, I argue, render this radical capacity of architecture salient, showing the ultimate incommensurability between architecture and the regimes that determine and delimit it.

Constituting a proposal for a book talk associated with the scholarly title Foreign-Born American Patriots: Sixteen Volunteer Leaders of the Revolutionary War, the presenter of this session (and author of the book) will introduce the scholarly work to participants for the purpose of highlighting research based in contribution, rather than interpretation. The author will detail the means by which the investigation of human experience and work product, storylines/patterns, and social cause may provide the context for creative scholarly works. The author will also reveal the unique contribution of Foreign Born American Patriots to historical and Southern Studies discourse, the book serving, up through the date of this proposal, as the only collective work regarding those foreigners who helped the newly formed United States defeat the British Army (many battles fought in the Southern States).

ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION PENNSYLVANIA’S LOYALISTS AND DISAFFECTED IN THE AGE OF REVOLUTION: DEFINING THE TERRAIN OF REINTEGRATION, 1765-1800 by René José Silva Florida International University, 2018 Miami, Florida Professor Kirsten Wood, Major Professor This study examines the reintegration of loyalists and disaffected residents in Pennsylvania who opposed the American Revolution from the Stamp Act crisis in 1765 through the Age of Federalism in 1790s. The inquiry argues that postwar loyalist reintegration in Pennsylvania succeeded because of the attitudes, behavior, actions and contributions of both disaffected residents and patriot citizens. The focus is chiefly on the legal battle over citizenship, especially the responses of the disaffected to patriot legislative measures such as treason, oaths of allegiance, attainders, confiscation, and militia service laws that revolutionaries employed to sanction dissent in the state. Loyalists and the disaffected contributed to their own successful reintegration in three ways. First, the departure of loyalist militants at the British evacuation of occupied Philadelphia in June 1778 and later substantially lessened internal political tensions associated with the rebellion. Second, the overwhelming majority of the disaffected who stayed in Pennsylvania adopted non-threatening attitudes and behaviors towards republican rule. And third, the disaffected who remained ultimately chose to embrace the new republican form of government they had earlier resisted. Patriots contributed to the successful reintegration of the disaffected chiefly through the outcome of the factional struggle for internal political supremacy between revolutionary radicals and moderates. Pennsylvania radicals used the rule of law to deny citizenship to opponents of the Revolution and pushed for their permanent exclusion from the body politic. Moderates favored a reincorporation of those who had not supported the rebellion, utilizing the law to foster inclusion. Moderate electoral victories in the decade of the 1780s led to solid majorities in the state assembly that rescinded all repressive measures against former opponents, in particular the 1789 repeal of the Test Act of 1777. The analysis stresses the activities of loyalists and the disaffected, exploring elite loyalist militants such as Joseph Galloway and the sons of Chief Justice William Allen; ordinary loyalist militants like John Connolly and the Rankin brothers of York County; Quaker pacifists such as the Pemberton siblings; loyalists whom patriots perceived as defiant, such as the Doan guerrilla gang and British collaborators Abraham Carlisle and John Roberts; and the Penn family proprietors. Each of these protagonists epitomized a particular strain of loyalism or disaffection in Pennsylvania, ranging from armed resistance to pacifism. Reintegration experiences and outcomes are therefore assessed in relation to these Pennsylvanians’ conduct before, during, and after the Revolutionary War.

This study utilizes correspondence, memoirs, and secondary sources to explore the lives and careers of six Continental Navy captains?Esek Hopkins, Joshua Barney, John Paul Jones, Hector McNeill, Lambert Wickes, and John Barry?and reveal the motivational factors of patriotism, a desire for fame and professional advancement, and financial stability which underlay their decisions to seek commissions in the Continental Navy, and influenced their conduct while in the service. Additionally, it suggests that prewar interactions in an "Atlantic World" context influenced the ideological and personal motivations that formed the foundations for service in the Continental Navy. All three motivations played a role in each captain's career and affected their conduct in relation to their understandings of duty, but the degree to which they influenced the captains varied. Although the promise of a steady income helped motivate initial service, financial considerations played a larger role throughout Barney's and Barry's careers than they did for other captains. The desire for fame and personal prestige also affected the conduct and service of all six men, though Jones and Hopkins provide more concrete examples of its influence. Finally, experiences interacting with West Indies and Atlantic trade networks before the war likely influenced the captains' development of revolutionary principles, and their dedication to the United States. In addition to patriotism, Jones professed a devotion to universal principles of liberty and rights, and McNeill perceived the Revolution as an attempt to establish God's Kingdom of the Just. The degree to which each captain succeeded in achieving his goals, and the affect his Continental service had on employment after the Revolution, also varied significantly. Hopkins failed as the navy's commander-in-chief, but his performance did not negatively impact his social and political standing in his native Rhode Island. Unlike McNeill, Captains Barry, Barney and Jones also utilized their networks of friends and acquaintances well, helping them find prestigious and stable employment in other seagoing capacities after the war. Wickes died in 1777, but his brief service also suggests he would have achieved success had he survived.