Through surfing man enters the domain of the wave, is contained by and participates in its broadcast, measures and is in turn measured, meets its rhythm and establishes his own, negotiates continuity and rupture. The surfer transforms the surfbreak into an architectural domain. This thesis undertakes a critical exploration of this domain as a means of expanding and enriching the territory of the architectural imagination.

Through surfing man enters the domain of the wave, is contained by and participates in its broadcast, measures and is in turn measured, meets its rhythm and establishes his own, negotiates continuity and rupture. The surfer transforms the surfbreak into an architectural domain. This thesis undertakes a critical exploration of this domain as a means of expanding and enriching the territory of the architectural imagination.

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Anarchist theory assumes that non-hierarchically organised societies both possible and desirable. To show the former requires (1) empirical evidence and (2) a discussion of the theoretical preconditions of cooperation. To show the latter, it is necessary to show that the faults found with the state can be remedied within non-hierarchically ordered societies. One obvious condition for a successful anarchist theory is that the solutions to these separate tasks are mutually consistent. It is the aim of this thesis to show that the theories of Robert Paul Wolff and Robert Nozick are found wanting in this respect. Both their theories of agency rule out the possibility of non-coercive and stable cooperation, which is a necessary precondition for an anarchist society. I conclude with a brief discussion of Michael Taylor's communitarian proposal and defend it against the liberal.

Most historiography on British Anarchism has concluded that the Anarchists contributed very little to the political, social and cultural life of Britain. This thesis aims to provide an alternative view. The failure of Anarchism as a coherent political movement has been adequately charted by others. The purpose of the present work is to investigate the impact of Anarchist ideas and practices within the wider political culture. It will demonstrate that Anarchism had significant things to say about many of the issues troubling British society at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries. The Anarchist contribution often demonstrated a high degree of originality and coherence and therefore deserves to be taken seriously. The first chapter outlines the evolution of British Anarchism from the 1880's onwards in order to construct a chronological and organisational context for the thematic debates that follow. It provides an historical account of the various Anarchist groups in Britain and their relations with the rest of the Socialist movement. Chapter Two builds on this by discussing the various social and cultural mileux characteristic of British Anarchism. The following chapters present evidence of the Anarchist contribution to a variety of diverse developments in British society between the 1880's and 1914. In order, these are educational practices, communal ways of living, trade unionism, Syndicalism and finally the status of women in society. The conclusion maintains that, although Anarchist influence was weakened by sectarianism and organisational failures, the Anarchists nevertheless made an original contribution to the political culture, both as theorists and practical activists.

This thesis explores the interrelatedness of anarchism and intoxication in Walter Benjamin’s 1929 article, ‘Surrealism: The last snapshot of the European Intelligentsia’. Responding to Marxist understandings of the ‘Surrealism’ article, this thesis contributes to a position put forth by Gershom Scholem regarding Benjamin’s later writings: that anarchism remains a distinct and alternative path in Benjamin’s thought, a path indebted to a youthful engagement with anarchist ideas. Utilising this understanding of anarchism in Benjamin’s later writings, it is argued that a positive understanding of anarchism in Benjamin’s ‘Surrealism’ article is discernible, and it exists in the ambiguous subordination of both anarchism and intoxication before that of Benjamin’s avowedly Marxist position, as expressed in the idea of profane illumination. / It is thus considered how a positive understanding of anarchism and intoxication in Benjamin’s ‘Surrealism’ article is evident not from the perspective of the article’s conclusions, but from the ambiguities of these conclusions. These tensions are further emphasised in focusing upon the temporal discontinuities of Benjamin’s work and the discordant ordering of his writings. Focusing specifically on Benjamin’s childhood remembrances, written after the publication of his ‘Surrealism’ article, it is to be considered how these remembrances, or “images” grant a positive status for Benjamin’s youthful concerns, a point with demonstrable connections to both anarchism and intoxication. These youthful “images” are understood as offering a new trajectory or pathway in readings of Benjamin’s ‘Surrealism’ article, wherein anarchism together with intoxication a represented as an alternative path unbound from their tense subordination beneath Marxism and the profane illumination. In contemplation of this alternative path, concluding remarks engage with the lineaments of a potential “anarchic illumination.” And, as with Benjamin’s “images” of childhood, these potentialities are to be found in those of Benjamin’s earlier writings that profess a sympathetic portrayal of anarchism and intoxication.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1973. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (doctoral)--Uppsala universitet, 1992. / Abstract and summary in English. Includes bibliographical references (p. 194-209).

Women's fight for the franchise in both America and England in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was accompanied by scrutiny of women's relationship to the State by those with varying perspectives on the suffrage battle. In the industrial, post-agricultural age, motherhood defined a woman's place in western society, as well as her rights under and service to the State; if the normative role of the male citizen was the soldier, the normative role for women was the mother. Yet for all of the ways an embrace of maternalism limited women's access to the public realm, it also laid the groundwork for the women's movement, and motherhood was often seen as a route to citizenship by those on both sides of the suffrage battle. As women began to re-imagine themselves as enfranchised citizens, many social theorists, politicians, and novelists continued to debate the rights and roles of women across the body of the mother; thinkers as varied as Theodore Roosevelt, H. G. Wells, and Emma Goldman all wrote tracts about motherhood and the future of the nation. Rather than entering the old debates on the value or liability of maternalism for feminism, my dissertation will argue that the modernist period introduced a new and still-overlooked figure: the anarchic mother. In their essays and novels, Goldman, Rebecca West, John Galsworthy, and Virginia Woolf turned away from the emblem of the Republican Mother and toward a radical new figure. Rather than sacrificing her individual needs to the Republic, the anarchic mother's individual pursuit of liberty challenged the authority of the State and its cultural institutions. An important group of modernist novels and essays employs the figure of the mother to represent not tradition and unity but rebellion, separatism, abstention, or statelessness. This undertheorized figure in modernist and feminist thought clarifies Virginia Woolf's call, in Three Guineas, for allegiance to no country. If Woolf and many other artists were ambivalent as they linked motherhood and anarchy, contemporary feminists inherited both the possibilities and contradictions of the anarchic mother as they reexamine women's relationship to citizenship in the 21st century.

This thesis examines the role played by protest song in the development of the political culture of Germany’s industrial working class between 1844 and 1933. Protest song was an integral component in the struggle of the German working class to achieve some measure of political and social equality in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Throughout this period, the working class found itself subjected to varying levels of political repression by the German authorities, and in order to promote their political views, industrial workers used the medium of song to protest against injustice. The thesis seeks to determine the significance of protest song for the political development of the German industrial working class through an analysis of song lyrics. The study of working-class protest song lyrics has largely been the preserve of historians from the former German Democratic Republic, where scholarship was shaped by the unique political imperatives of history writing under the Communist regime. This thesis seeks to redress the historiographical imbalance that this approach engendered, arguing that protest song produced under the auspices of the Social Democrats was both a culturally valid and politically significant feature of German working-class political life, albeit one that offered a different ideological approach to that of the overtly revolutionary output of the Communist movement. Additionally this thesis will acknowledge that working-class song was not merely used as an instrument of protest, but also as a medium to communicate political ideology. Protest song was an integral part of the cultural capital of the working class milieu, creating a distinct canon upon which German industrial workers drew in a variety of political, social and cultural situations. This study will engage with this canon in order to establish how the cultural practice of singing endowed working-class protest songs with an intrinsic political significance.