This thesis examines the spare parts mission scaling problem within the land environment of the Canadian Forces. A revision was done to the recently proposed Land Automated Scaling System, thus providing a readily implementable version of this model. This revised model determines the kit of spare parts for a first or second line unit to carry in order to maximize the operational availability of the deployed weapons systems, subject to a volume constraint. Bayesian methods and actual part demand data are used to revise the demand distribution to more accurately reflect the distribution of the number of parts required during a mission, taking into account the environmental conditions and usage mode of the equipment. The model is easy to use, requiring readily available and easily accessible input data. In addition, it can be operated on a Base minicomputer, thus allowing it to be used by the ordinance engineering and supply officers at the unit/formation level to produce and revise their parts scales as their situation requires.

This thesis explores why gender hierarchy remains resilient and entrenched in contemporary political life, despite efforts to challenge and transform it. I approach this question by focussing on the reproduction of gendered subjects, which I argue is integral to the reproduction of what I term ‘gender orders’. This reproduction is interrogated through an analysis of the reproduction of homosexuality in the contemporary British armed forces. A review of the literature in feminist International Relations (IR) shows feminists have engaged with poststructural thought to develop sophisticated analyses of the subject as an effect of power. I argue that there might be further resources in post structural thought which could be mobilised to expose the incompleteness and failure of all attempts to reproduce subjectivity which might open up new ways to intervene and subvert gender. Drawing on the thought of Michel Foucault, Jacques Derrida and Judith Butler I develop a critical methodology for analysing the reproduction of gendered subjects in the contemporary British armed forces. I argue that the military gender order is traditionally sustained through the segregation of women and the exclusion of homosexuals. As such it is pervasively heteronormative. For this reason I argue that the potential ‘integration’ of homosexuals did pose a significant threat to the gender order. However I will argue the threat posed by the integration of LGBT personnel has been neutralised by a series of responses which ‘re-inscribe’ them into the gender order, although these responses are always unstable. I demonstrate that gender often fails to guarantee the intelligibility it promises, and attempts to order gender necessarily break down. However I will argue that this cannot be exploited instrumentally in order to subvert gender because the gender order is better characterised as being in perpetual crisis, and any attempt to reproduce gender differently will also be unstable and prone to crisis. Consequently critique then becomes a relentless call to question, undermine and deconstruct all attempts to secure political orders, with no guarantees. Ultimately the thesis demonstrates that gender orders are complex, mobile and resilient and argues that modes of feminist critique need to be similarly mobile and responsive to a constantly shifting discursive terrain.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Since 1989 the countries of Central and Eastern Europe have undergone an unprecedented transition from communism to democracy. Establishment of democratic control of armed forces is an inseparable part of the process of consolidation of democracy. The purpose of this thesis is to define those factors that influence democratization of civil-military relations in post-communist countries in the process of transition to democracy. My argument is that countries develop democratic control of armed forces in different ways and with different time boundaries, until the end state is achieved. The democratization of civil-military relations depends on capability of the country in transition to effectively establish (by which I mean to build and put into effect) institutions for democratic control of the military. In evaluating development of the democratization of civil-military relations the post-communist countries of Hungary and Bulgaria are studied in detail with particular attention to the process of establishment, development, and interrelation of institutional arrangements. In this aspect historical legacy, international context and path of transition can help or obstruct the process of development of institutions for democratic control of armed forces. / Lieutenant Colonel, Bulgarian Air Force

The word "offset" in the broad sense represents reciprocal trade advantages that result from economic agreements. However, as a result of increasing competition among suppliers due to the reduced global defense market, declining military budgets, and other aspects, buyers are able to influence the conditions under which major defense programs are obtained. Not only unions, defense industries, trade associations, and public, but also EU is involved. The Czech Republic as a member of these organizations has to follow their rules as well, and their views and policies regarding offsets might be different. The objective of this project is to examine what issues, if any, the Czech Republic faces concerning offsets implementation in international trade. This study will discuss briefly the history of the Czech Republic's participation in offsets, and its current policy, if any, towards using offset practices. The Czech Republic's goals in offset practices, and government support for them, would be another area of research. The Czech Republic is an EU member and therefore is obliged to follow policies implemented by these institutions. Whether there is any connection between the Czech government policy and EU policies will also be examined. Specifically, the project will focus on what should be done in future offsets implementation, and what to be aware of.

The following Bachelor thesis is analysing how the Swedish armed forces promotes women in order to attract them to their organisation. Specifically it investigates (1) "How does the Swedish armed forces break the social norms of what it means to be a soldier?" (2) "How do they present a gender equal division of labour?" (3) "How do they try to affect women´s attitude towards the organisation?" This study investigates the Swedish armed forces, an organisation with a great underrepresentation of women. The underrepresentation of women is something that the Swedish armed forces openly tries to change through their marketing. This thesis is a single case study with both qualitative and quantitative approach, using Harding´s gender process theory in a descriptive design. By gathering television commercials from the Swedish armed forces user page on YouTube, I explore how the Swedish armed forces tries to minimize the underrepresentation of women. Their strategies are analysed by using Harding´s three gender processes. The results show that the organisation is active in all three processes, but focuses on breaking the social norms of what it means to be a soldier.

The problem of the study was the effectiveness of three techniques to teach the instructional unit, "The Air Force Fiscal Account Structure and Codes." The techniques compared were (1) lecture-demonstration procedure supplemented with the eclectic programed textbook, (2) autoinstructional procedure using only the eclectic programed textbook, and (3) the conventional lecture-demonstration procedure.

Master of Arts / Department of History / David A. Graff / The central highlands of Vietnam were of vital strategic importance during the Second Indochina War (1955-1975); the collapse of South Vietnamese forces in this region in March 1975 led to the fall of Saigon just one month later. Despite this area’s importance, most central highlands historiography addresses large military campaigns, such as the 1972 Nguyen Hue “Easter Offensive” and the 1975 Ho Chi Minh Offensive. Micro-histories are of great value in examining the implementation of national programs, yet all province case studies examine events in the more heavily populated and ethnically homogeneous Saigon and Mekong Delta regions of the Republic of Vietnam (RVN). This thesis examines Lam Dong province, at the southern end of the Vietnamese central highlands. Focusing on the territorial forces initiative and RVN policy toward ethnic minority Montagnards in the highlands—two vital yet under-studied topics in Vietnam War historiography—this study demonstrates the operational success of the former and the strategic failure of the latter. The thesis is organized chronologically and concentrates on the final six years of the war, when South Vietnamese officials were increasingly promulgating and executing policy. The first part of the study details background information and outlines the war through 1967, when the National Liberation Front (NLF) held the advantage. The middle section scrutinizes the late 1960s and early 1970s and describes the factors that led to increased province security. The final section analyzes the final two years of the war following the departure of U.S. troops. In this period, South Vietnamese forces held the advantage against a weakened NLF, yet ordinary citizens’ discontent reached a climax. In-depth study of both province- and national-level documents from this period demonstrates that local officials, both American and Vietnamese, often attempted to address challenges but were hindered by the centralized nature of the Saigon bureaucracy. The inability and unwillingness of the RVN to address adequately issues such as highlands refugee policy led to the gradual dissatisfaction of many Montagnards in the highlands. This study elucidates RVN initiatives such as the territorial force, Main Living Area, and Return to Village programs—seldom-mentioned yet key facets of the Saigon government’s attempt to mollify ethnic tensions and counter the threat posed by the NLF.

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, 2017 / The thesis analyses civil-military relations in Zimbabwe since independence, but especially during the period from 2000 through 2013. A central question is why an outright military coup has not occurred, despite severe political and economic crises. Thequestion is broken down into two linked sub- -military relations question of why the military have not seized power from civilians and (2) the question why no "populist military revolt" has occurred, despite the kind of hyperinflation that has triggered such revolts in countries like Ghana and Ethiopia: [Abbreviated Abstract. Open document to view full version] / XL2018

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts / This study is an analysis of the social integration of demobilised soldiers in Mozambique, in the context of post-war social reconstruction. De-constructing the concept of "reintegration" that informed the top-down programmes designed for the social integration of ex-combatants, that dichotomize society into the military sphere and the civilian one, so that the process into which ex-combatants are involved after leaving the Army is one of "returning home", as society remaining the same or in a moving equilibrium, one saw society- marked by social differentiations, even amongst the demobilised ex-combatants. The ideal of "sameness" between "civilians" and ex-combatants involved in the concept of reintegration seems more an utopia. This research used previous studies of my colleagues. In criticizing them, I do not wish to create the impression that these works are of little value. Their analysis stand from very different disciplinary approaches, and with others aims. The major weakness I often saw was the indefinition of the terms they use and the mix of concepts like social integration and reintegration as having the same meaning. Other documentary research was carried out, and as the study included the understanding of meanings, values, individual actions and social interactions, in order to capture the meaningfulness of such life other qualitative methods were employed as the informal interviews, the use of key informants, participation in and observation of events in the setting. Looking society in a dynamic change, social integration is regarded as the process of negotiation of a common social order between actors in interaction (demobilised soldiers, other social groupings, and institutions like the state). It is better approached using the concept of integration. As an interactive process it is marked by a tension between the affirmation of the individuality of actors and the will to the sense of community. In its course different actors mobilise and use different identities according to the situations. avoiding or erasing specificities of previous socializations and identities and highlighting others. This study is an analysis of the social integration of demobilised soldiers in Mozambique, in the context of post-war social reconstruction. De-constructing the concept of "reintegration" that informed the top-down programmes designed for the social integration of ex-combatants, that dichotomize society into the military sphere and the civil one, so that the process into which ex-combatants is one of "returning home", as society remaining the same or in a moving equilibrium, one saw society full of differentiations, even within the groups social defined as "demobilised soldiers". The ideal of "sameness" involved in the concept of reintegration seems more an utopia. Society is full of social differentiation, and the group of demobiIised soldiers also inmarked by differences of gender, age, marital status, previous military affiliation and rank, control of resources and social status in the living/working place, marital status. This study used previous studies of my colleagues. In criticizing them, I do not wish to create the impression that these works are of little value. Their analysis stand from very different disciplinary approaches, and with others aims. The major weakness I often saw was the indefinition of the terms they use and the mix of concepts like social integration and reintegration as having the same meaning. Other documentary research was carried out, and as the study included the understanding of meanings, values, individual actions and social interactions, to capture the meaningfulness of such life other qualitative methods were employed: informal interviews, the use of key informants, participation in and observation of events in the setting. Looking society in a dynamic change, the process of negotiation of a social order between actors in interaction (demobilised soldiers, other social groupings, and institutions like the state) is better approached using the concept of social integration. As an interactive process, in its course different actors mobilise and use different identities, the most convenient for each occasion, in a way that sometimes involves the attempt to erase specificities of previous socializations and identities. / Andrew Chakane 2019

Abstract The aim of this study is to gain a deeper understanding of the conflicts of interests that may arise between the differing land use needs of a municipal planning agency and The Swedish Armed Forces. The study is based on three distinct cases located in the municipalities of Umeå, Luleå and the region of Gotland; each respective case presents unique contextual factors at the local level and these also serves to exemplify the issue at a national level. The work has been carried out as a case study and the methods employed were research interviews, document-based research and literature studies. The results indicate that there are significant differences in the planning practice used by the respective municipal planning agencies and that employed by The Swedish Armed Forces in terms of differing aims, methods and outcomes. The study also highlighted how the outcome of each case was dependent upon a combination of contextual factors and the impact of external factors such as national politics, changing security policy, urban development and progression of the environmental legislation. In short, The Swedish Armed Forces is a land use agency that has had significant impact on the municipal planning in each of the locations that has been studied. In a Swedish context, their land use needs are classified as being of national interest and thusly have precedence over competing land use claims. These factors have combined to create conditions in which municipal planning is, to some extent, often restricted by the land use needs of The Swedish Armed Forces.