The Swedish Armed Forces as a big public actor own different media channels and promote life as a soldier from different angles. They create marketing campaigns, which are available widely on YouTube or Facebook. The increased activity on social media platforms, especially Facebook, have created a field for research. There are multiple Facebook pages, from which one can acquire information regarding life at a given regiment. They can be divided into official and unofficial Facebook pages. The fascinating aspect of this division is how differently each of the Facebook pages approaches the audience and how differently they are shaping their strategic communication and reputation, despite owning officially issued guidelines on how the Swedish Armed Forces ought to be presented in the online world. Through multimodal analysis with a shift towards the systematic linguistic in the framework of Machin and Halliday, official Facebook page of Livgardet and unofficial Facebook page of 12:e motoriserade skyttebataljonen have been analyzed to see whether the messages that the Swedish Armed Forces are conveying are aligned. Adding netnography in the frame of Kozinets, the audience has been studied to inquire whether there is a different purpose of using the official and unofficial Facebook page.  The results of this study shows, that the unofficial Facebook page is coherent in a different way, they might not be following the strategic communication guidelines strictly, but they are coherent in their actions and posts, whereas the official Facebook page, which is strictly following the strategic communication guidelines and does not appear as coherent with their actions. At the same time, the audience is using the unofficial Facebook page reconnect with the memories they have from when they did their duty. On the other hand, the official Facebook page is used by the audience as a place to show their appreciation and pride in the Swedish Armed Forces.

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Huvudsyftet med föreliggande studie är att belysa soldaters upplevelser av stress under utlandstjänst, samt stress i övergången utlandstjänst till hemkomst med fokus på fysisk aktivitet och träningsvanor. Vidare var det av intresse att studera soldaters upplevelse av hjälp/stöd. Studien genomfördes via ett kvalitativt tillvägagångssätt utifrån två semistrukturerade intervjuguider och två olika intervjutillfällen. Samtliga åtta deltagare var män mellan 2553 år gamla med erfarenheter från olika typer av förband samt från olika missioner. Utlandstjänstgöringarna utfördes i länder som Afghanistan, Bosnien och Kosovo. Upplevd stress under mission beskrevs som rastlöshet vid ledig tid på campen eller en oro inför uppdrag. Under uppdrag kunde deltagarna uppleva kumulativ stress i ovissheten att något kan hända dem eller kollegorna. Deltagarna gav uttryck för liknande symptom vid hemkomst kopplat till stress då rastlöshet under ledigheten hemma beskrev som utmanade. Fysisk aktivitet visade sig ha en stressreducerande effekt vid rastlöshet och oro under utlandstjänst samt i övergången utlandstjänst till hemkomst. Dessa fynd kopplas till en diskussionsdel utifrån föreskrivna referensramar, samt även förslag till framtida forskning och implikationer. / The main purpose of the present study is to illustrate soldiers experinces of stress during deployment and in the transition from deployment to homecoming with focus on physical activity, stress and exercise habits. Further on, it was of interest to study the soldiers experience of help/support. The study was conducted using a qualitative approach from two semistructured interviewguides and two interview occasions. The soldiers age were between 2553 years. The soldiers in this study came from various types of units as well as various deployments that took place in countries such as Afghanistan, Kosovo and BosniaHercegovina. Stress during deployment was described as perceived restlessness during freetime on the camp. During operations could the participants exeperience cumulative stress wich could be shown as anxiety becausee of the uncertainty that something could happend to them or their colleagues in the unit. The participants expressed similar symptoms at the homecoming related to stress as restlessness during the holiday and anxiety. Physical activity was found to have a stressreducing effect during deployment and in transition deployment to homecoming. Results of the study were associated with prescribed theoretical frames of reference in the discussion. Finally suggestions for future research and implications are provided.

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This thesis examines the potentially restorative power of adaptive sport, based upon the experiences of traumatically injured British military personnel. It investigates how participation in adaptive sport may contribute to personnel’s adaptation of identity and the re-establishment of their meaning of life post-traumatic injury. Through a series of in-depth interviews, I attempted to gain a greater understanding of the experience of and recovery from life-changing injuries, seeking to comprehend the impact of adaptive sport in this process. In line with current research in the field of disability studies, this research adopted a social construction approach. The results of the analysis are set within the social model of disability in order to try to highlight the impacts of the perceptions of disability, embedded in the dominant medical model discourse, on the participant’s lives. Key findings highlighted by this research are i; the influence that the medical model discourse has on the British military mentality and their approach to injury, ii; the process of identity adaptation and the importance of adaptive-sport-participation to provide focus and help individuals realise their potential, iii; the experience of adaptive sport as a tool to bring back meaning of life and iv; the process of ‘normalisation’ and the way individuals are self-determined to restore some sense of normality by participating in adaptive sport and positive adaptation to trauma, whereby adaptive sport acts as a tool to set the right conditions for individuals to experience positive phenomena. Throughout this thesis, I have attempted to provide an open and reflexive account of the whole research process in order to make the reader aware of the possible effects of my own background on the research outcomes.

Thesis (MMil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As South Africa entered the transitional period towards establishing a multi-party democracy, its defence policy changed fundamentally. The African National Congress (ANC) as the upcoming governing party established the Military Research Group (MRG), to help formulate its defence policy positions, which subsequently largely determined South African defence policy. Through this think-tank the ANC leadership became interested in and supported the idea of non-offensive defence (NOD). NOD is a European idea of the Cold War era, which was aimed at preventing the security dilemma, arms races and accidental war between states. The aim of this study is to describe the nature of defence policy-making in South Africa since 1994, by describing how NOD became prominent. Non-offensive defence ideas influenced South African defence policy significantly and appeared in all legislation and policies pertaining to defence. NOD complemented the ANC’s domestic policy goals with the new security paradigm, which like NOD, originate from the Peace Research school of thought. As a defensive idea, NOD emphasised South Africa’s intention to improve relations with Southern African states, as well as its strategic defensiveness, which determined the military doctrine of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF). The ANC used NOD to transform the SANDF, especially to scale down its power projection capabilities. Two arguments are made in this study to describe the nature of defence policy-making in South Africa when the prominence of NOD is considered. Firstly, that South African defence policy-makers are open to ideas and models from industrialised states, despite the limited applicability and shortcomings of such models. Secondly, models can be used in various ways by interest groups to influence policy. NOD was used as a theoretical tool by the MRG and the military to influence defence policy according to their interests. Several characteristics of South African defence policy-making were also identified. Firstly, that the Constitution does not prioritise state or individual security as more important. This makes conflicting world-views of realism and idealism about defence possible. Defence policy therefore often has to involve a compromise between these views. Secondly, although the Constitution makes provision for public participation in defence policy-making, there is no equal distribution of power for interest groups to influence policy. In this regard the legislature and parliamentary defence committees are also weak compared to the executive authority. Thirdly, the use of non-governmental organisations in defence policy-making has created a form of direct and unrestricted lobbying, as well as the privatisation of policy-making. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Tydens die politieke oorgangsperiode en die aanloop tot die vestiging van ‘n veelparty demokrasie, het Suid-Afrika se verdedigingsbeleid wesenlike veranderinge ondergaan. As opkomende regerende party het die African National Congress (ANC), die Military Research Group (MRG) gestig om díe party se standpunte rondom verdedigingsbeleid te formuleer. Sedertdien het die MRG, Suid-Afrika se verdedigingsbeleid grootliks omskrywe. Die MRG het ANC leiers aan die term non-offensive defence (NOD), wat ‘n Europese idee uit die Koue Oorlog-era is, bekendgestel. NOD is daarop gemik om die veiligheidsdilemma, wapenwedlope en toevallige oorlog te verhoed. Die ANC het NOD ondersteun en bevorder. Die doel van hierdie studie is om die aard van Suid-Afrikaanse verdedigingsbeleidmaking sedert 1994 te beskryf aan die hand van NOD se prominensie. Non-offensive defence idees het Suid-Afrika se verdedigingsbeleid beduidend beïnvloed en verskyn in alle wetgewing en beleid wat verband hou met verdediging. NOD het die ANC se plaaslike beleidsdoelwitte binne die nuwe veiligheidsparadigma ondersteun. Soos NOD, is díe paradigma ‘n produk van die Peace Research denkskool. As ‘n defensiewe idee het NOD, Suid-Afrika se oogmerk om betrekkinge met state in Suider-Afrika te verbeter, benadruk. NOD het verder ook SA se strategiese defensiewe postuur en gepaardgaande militêre doktrine bepaal en beklemtoon. Die ANC het NOD gebruik om die Suid Afrikaanse Nasionale Weermag (SANW) te transformeer en magsprojeksievermoëns af te skaal. Twee argumente word in hierdie studie benut om die aard van verdedigingsbeleidmaking in Suid-Afrika te beskryf, met die inagneming van die belangrikheid van NOD. Eerstens, dat beleidmakers ontvanklik is vir idees en modelle van nywerheidslande, ten spyte van die beperkte toepaslikheid en tekortkomings van sulke modelle. Tweedens, dat modelle deur verskeie belangegroepe gebruik kan word om beleid te beïnvloed. Die MRG en die SANW het NOD as ‘n teoretiese instrument benut om verdedigingsbeleid tot die bevordering van eie belange te beïnvloed. Verskeie eienskappe van Suid-Afrikaanse verdedigingsbeleidmaking is geïdentifiseer in die studie. Eerstens, dat die Grondwet nie die staat of die individu se veiligheid bo die ander stel nie. Dit veroorsaak botsende wêreldbeskouings van realisme en idealisme oor verdediging. Beleid behels dus dikwels kompromieë tussen die twee uitgangspunte. Tweedens, alhoewel die Grondwet voorsiening maak vir openbare deelname in beleidmaking, is daar nie gelyke ‘n verspreiding van mag tussen belangegroepe om beleid te beïnvloed nie. In die opsig is die wetgewende gesag en parlementêre komitees aansienlik swakker as die uitvoerende gesag.

<p>ABSTRACT</p><p>Title: The defend of the picture – a comparison of recruitment advertisements from the Swedish Armed Forces / Bilden av försvaret– en jämförande studie av Försvarsmaktens rekryteringsannonser</p><p>Number of pages: 35</p><p>Author: Greta Simonsson</p><p>Tutor: Mats Lind</p><p>Course: Media and Communication Studies C</p><p>Period: Autumn Semester 2007</p><p>University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science, Uppsala University</p><p>Aim: Do the messages in the recruitment advertisements from the Swedish Armed Forces differ between such advertisements produced in the “defense against invasion” era and those produced in the present, more internationally oriented era, when analyzed using semiotics? And, how are these advertisements understood by their receivers?</p><p>Material and method: Interviews, a focus group and semiotic analysis.</p><p>Main results: The messages in the recruitment advertisements have changed. In line with the changed focus of the Swedish Armed Forces to more international cooperation and missions, the present day advertisements do indeed have a more international and aggressive focus.</p><p>Keywords: Swedish Armed Forces, information, recruitment, advertisements, semeiotics.</p>

Since its independence, the Latin America has been prone to unstable and military dominated politics. Mexico, however, has proven to be an exception. The purpose of this dissertation, therefore, is to explain Mexico's stability and civilian dominated polity. The dissertation draws upon personal interviews with Mexican and American military officers, Mexican military documents and secondary sources. From these sources four foci, professionalization, social background of military and civilian leaders, civilian political behavior, and extranational influences, appeared to offer the greatest amount of explanation for the Mexican case. Professionalization's impact appears to result from the low level of political efficacy generated by the Mexican military educational system and the inculcation of values encouraging loyalty to civilian institutions. The social background of Mexican officers appears to support the values and norms common to the military institution, including those conducive to civilian domination. The social disparity between the more humble family background of most officers and the higher family social background of civilian politicians also appears to be a factor. The civilians political party system appears to be critical. In a multiparty system, like Brazil, multiple civilian opposition groups, through co-optation, generate corresponding military support groups. Civilian opposition groups with military backing therefore will always be present and represent a potential threat. In a single party dominant system, like Mexico, though, military identification will always be with the government, rather than an opposition political group. Finally, the influences of the United States and Soviet Union do have an impact on Mexican civil-military relations. However, rather than the super powers' manipulating the Mexican military and causing coups supportive of super power foreign policy objectives, Mexico appears to use the super powers' resources and images to stabilize civil-military relations. The importance of this dissertation is that it offers explanations for the difference in behavior between the stable, civilian dominated Mexican model, and the military dominated models found throughout most of the Latin American region. The dissertation also presents new interpretations regarding the relationships between professionalization and political efficacy, and social background and social efficacy.

This thesis examines the spare parts mission scaling problem within the land environment of the Canadian Forces. A revision was done to the recently proposed Land Automated Scaling System, thus providing a readily implementable version of this model. This revised model determines the kit of spare parts for a first or second line unit to carry in order to maximize the operational availability of the deployed weapons systems, subject to a volume constraint. Bayesian methods and actual part demand data are used to revise the demand distribution to more accurately reflect the distribution of the number of parts required during a mission, taking into account the environmental conditions and usage mode of the equipment. The model is easy to use, requiring readily available and easily accessible input data. In addition, it can be operated on a Base minicomputer, thus allowing it to be used by the ordinance engineering and supply officers at the unit/formation level to produce and revise their parts scales as their situation requires.

This thesis explores why gender hierarchy remains resilient and entrenched in contemporary political life, despite efforts to challenge and transform it. I approach this question by focussing on the reproduction of gendered subjects, which I argue is integral to the reproduction of what I term ‘gender orders’. This reproduction is interrogated through an analysis of the reproduction of homosexuality in the contemporary British armed forces. A review of the literature in feminist International Relations (IR) shows feminists have engaged with poststructural thought to develop sophisticated analyses of the subject as an effect of power. I argue that there might be further resources in post structural thought which could be mobilised to expose the incompleteness and failure of all attempts to reproduce subjectivity which might open up new ways to intervene and subvert gender. Drawing on the thought of Michel Foucault, Jacques Derrida and Judith Butler I develop a critical methodology for analysing the reproduction of gendered subjects in the contemporary British armed forces. I argue that the military gender order is traditionally sustained through the segregation of women and the exclusion of homosexuals. As such it is pervasively heteronormative. For this reason I argue that the potential ‘integration’ of homosexuals did pose a significant threat to the gender order. However I will argue the threat posed by the integration of LGBT personnel has been neutralised by a series of responses which ‘re-inscribe’ them into the gender order, although these responses are always unstable. I demonstrate that gender often fails to guarantee the intelligibility it promises, and attempts to order gender necessarily break down. However I will argue that this cannot be exploited instrumentally in order to subvert gender because the gender order is better characterised as being in perpetual crisis, and any attempt to reproduce gender differently will also be unstable and prone to crisis. Consequently critique then becomes a relentless call to question, undermine and deconstruct all attempts to secure political orders, with no guarantees. Ultimately the thesis demonstrates that gender orders are complex, mobile and resilient and argues that modes of feminist critique need to be similarly mobile and responsive to a constantly shifting discursive terrain.