Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1954. / Typescript. Vita. Title from title screen (viewed May 9, 2006). Includes bibliographical references (leaves [394]-444). Online version of the print original.

Thesis (D. Min.)--Ashland Theological Seminary, 1984. / Includes index. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 392-397).

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University. / The Custom of the Country: Alistair Cooke and Race in America is a selected, annotated edition of 142 installments of Alistair Cooke's BBC broadcast, Letter from America, on race and the struggle for civil rights in the United States. Alistair Cooke (1908-2004), English-born American journalist, produced a variety of works over a seventy-year career, almost all about American politics, society, and culture. Besides writing numerous books, he was for 25 years American correspondent for the Manchester Guardian newspaper (later The Guardian). From 1946 to 2004 he wrote and recorded a weekly 2,100-word commentary, Letter from America, broadcast to the United Kingdom and British Commonwealth - a total of 2,869 broadcasts. Over the decades, the relation of white and black was a frequent concern of Letter from America. The Custom of the Country records events from Harry Truman's efforts to advance civil rights, through the Brown v. Board of Education decision, battles over segregation and passage of civil rights laws, the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr., the riots of the 1960s, school busing and Affirmative Action, up to and beyond the O.J. Simpson case. The letters include profiles of such figures as Joe Louis, George Wallace, Lyndon Johnson, Duke Ellington, Marian Anderson, J. William Fulbright, and Jesse Jackson. They explore changes in the language of race and in black and white society. The texts also reveal the process of change (and lack of change) in the views of one immigrant over more than half a century. The Custom of the Country is an accurate edition of scripts as near as possible to the words as Cooke wrote and spoke them. The edition, spanning the years 1946-2003, was compiled from manuscripts and transcripts in the Alistair Cooke collection at the Howard Gotlieb Archival Research Center at Boston University, and at the BBC Written Archives Centre in Reading, England. Available versions were consulted and compared in the preparation of the text. In addition to the introduction, which contains specific references to the texts, footnotes report key variant readings, along with historical and biographical background, as well as extensive cross-referencing of topics and events.

Elementos pré-textuais: 14 f. Elementos textuais: 185 f. Ficha catalográfica: 1 f. / Submitted by Ana Valéria de Jesus Moura (anavaleria_131@hotmail.com) on 2013-08-01T13:00:25Z No. of bitstreams: 3 Elementos.pdf: 56362 bytes, checksum: a0a6ae91ef428cd8669cc4b946010ded (MD5) Ficha catalografica Victor Insali.pdf: 11631 bytes, checksum: 8fd12f1210ed89013eb84be6d51faca8 (MD5) Disser Victor Insali.pdf: 1016970 bytes, checksum: 76e3ddafc6accbdb4c617071af8ad137 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Valéria de Jesus Moura(anavaleria_131@hotmail.com) on 2013-08-01T13:01:21Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 3 Elementos.pdf: 56362 bytes, checksum: a0a6ae91ef428cd8669cc4b946010ded (MD5) Ficha catalografica Victor Insali.pdf: 11631 bytes, checksum: 8fd12f1210ed89013eb84be6d51faca8 (MD5) Disser Victor Insali.pdf: 1016970 bytes, checksum: 76e3ddafc6accbdb4c617071af8ad137 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-08-01T13:01:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 3 Elementos.pdf: 56362 bytes, checksum: a0a6ae91ef428cd8669cc4b946010ded (MD5) Ficha catalografica Victor Insali.pdf: 11631 bytes, checksum: 8fd12f1210ed89013eb84be6d51faca8 (MD5) Disser Victor Insali.pdf: 1016970 bytes, checksum: 76e3ddafc6accbdb4c617071af8ad137 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / O presente trabalho tem como finalidade demonstrar a proteção dos direitos e liberdades fundamentais previstos na Carta Africana dos Direitos do Homem e dos Povos, levando-se em conta a trajetória da evolução da proteção dos direitos na África, desde o periódo pré-colonial até a atualidade e, consequentemente, até a criação da Carta Africana,considerada um instrumento de extrema importância em amtéria da promoção e proteção dos direitos nesse continente. A ideia da proteção dos direitos humanos do homem africano no periódo pré-colonial está ligada aos princípios da moralidade e da religiosidade, tendo como base os valores culturais e tradicionais presentes nessa sociedade. Esses valores foram substituídos durante o periódo colonial por outros, estranhos à cultura tradicional. Após a independência e com o surgimento da Organização da Unidade Africana (OUA), a preocupação passou a ser a defesa da soberania e o princípio de intangibilidade das fronteiras, deixando-se para o plano secundário os problemas dos direitos humanos. A Carta Africana é um peculiar tratado internacional de direitos humanos, embora com algumas semelhanças com outros tratados da mesma matéria. Retrata uma realidade ainda não efetivada na sua totalidade quanto à proteção dos direitos humanos. Como os demais, representa o ideal de convivência pacifica e igualitária entre povos e nações, mas necessita de pontuais modificações a fim de ser concretizado. Com efeito, no plano fatico, constata-se que há muito a ser feito no âmbito dos direitos humanos, especificamente os previstos na Carta Africana, para que a mesma revista-se de legitimidade e confiabilidade para o povo africano, dada a discrepância entre o plano normativo e o plano material de defesa dos direitos humanos. / Salvador

On April 17, 1982, the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms was proclaimed into force. By including a set of constitutionally entrenched core legal rights (i.e. ss. 8, 9, and 10(b), and a remedial mechanism designed to enforce those rights (i.e. s. 24(2)), the Charter had the potential to alter certain repressive elements of the criminal justice system that had endured in Canada for over a century. Despite this potential, both the core legal rights and s. 24(2) were drafted using vague terminology. As a result, the Charter ‘s ability to succeed where previous attempts at instituting effective due process protections for Canadians had failed would depend largely on the judiciary’s ability to satisfactorily craft such protections out of imprecise statutory language. This thesis will argue that the Supreme Court of Canada has created a test for the exclusion of unconstitutionally obtained evidence under s. 24(2) that fails to adequately protect the core legal rights of the socially, racially and economically marginalized individuals to whom the Canadian criminal justice system is disproportionately applied. In advancing this argument, the relevant jurisprudence and academic literature will be analyzed according to a methodology inspired by the Critical Legal Studies movement. The issue of exclusion will be examined in its social context, primarily by analyzing the current system of Canadian criminal justice and acknowledging its over-application to the socially disenfranchised. It will be argued that the Supreme Court’s test for exclusion has developed as it has because of the judiciary’s subconscious tendency to interpret unclear constitutional provisions in keeping with the dominant conservative ideology, a method that favours maintaining the social status quo. The purpose of this thesis is to set out a framework for a reform of the Charter ‘s exclusionary mechanism. This new approach will attempt to situate social context at the forefront of the s. 24(2) decision-making process. It will be argued that the concept of “disrepute” within s. 24(2) must be redefined so that it captures investigatory practices made possible by unjust social, racial and economic divisions that render certain groups powerless, and thus more vulnerable to police surveillance. / Law, Faculty of / Graduate

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In modern society, children are acknowledged as bearers of both children‟s rights and all other rights in the Bill of Rights which generally apply to children. One important right, outside of section 28, is that of bodily integrity or the right to control and decide what happens to their body. Therefore, children theoretically have the right to consent to medical treatment and surgery. However, children are generally deemed to lack the necessary maturity to make decisions of this nature and require parental consent before any medical procedure may be performed. Following the enactment of the Children‟s Act 38 of 2005, the age of consent for medical intervention was lowered to the uniform age of twelve. Children above the age of twelve are recognised as having the capacity to make their own decisions in respect of bodily integrity, whereas those under twelve still require parental consent. While this may be a positive evelopment, it is potentially problematic for two groups of children, known as „benefactor children‟ and „saviour siblings‟. In the last 50 years, there has been a noticeable advancement in the field of genetic research. One such development is the possibility of creating one child to save the life of another through tissue or organ donation. This has provided options to parents of children with life threatening conditions where before, there was little hope of a cure. Now, at the request of these parents, children can be specifically “genetically engineered” as an embryo, to become a tissue or organ match to a sick sibling. These children are known as „saviour siblings‟. Another group of children has emerged. While not the result of “genetic engineering”, they serve a similar purpose in being potential life-saving donors to an ill sibling and are known as „benefactor children‟. Both categories of children enjoy the protection of fundamental rights. For those who are under twelve years of age however, the right to bodily integrity can be infringed upon by the proposed surgical removal of organs or tissue for the benefit of a sick sibling, based purely on a parent‟s consent. At stake too, is the right to reproductive autonomy. Parents bear children for a number of different reasons, which can include raising a child to save the life of another. As they have the right to reproductive autonomy, adults are able to decide when they want children and for what reason they want children, which can include the various techniques used to bring about „saviour siblings‟. However, as rights are mutually interrelated and nterdependent, they cannot be viewed in isolation. Therefore, it must be asked: does a person‟s right to reproductive autonomy, as guaranteed by the Constitution, justify interference with an embryo? As an embryo is not recognised in South African law as a legal subject, it will be difficult to justify interference with this right on this basis. The right to consent to medical intervention only from age twelve was described as potentially problematic for „benefactor children‟ and „saviour siblings‟, as parents with seriously ill children may become so emotionally burdened, that they place the welfare of the sick child over that of the healthy child. Thus, it is possible that parents will consent to any and all procedures on the „benefactor child‟ or „saviour sibling‟, regardless of the implications to the health and suffering of the healthy child. Section 28(2) of the Constitution states that the child‟s best interests are of paramount importance but, it must be asked, whose best interests are more important when more than one child is involved? As this is a decision parents are incapable of making at that time, the decision should be made by a neutral, impartial and unemotional third party such as the Court, which can be assisted by the Family Advocate and an ombudsman, who are experts in assisting children and promoting their best interests. Presently, South African law does not expressly address „saviour siblings‟. However, with few changes to the National Health Act and other Regulations, this is an area which could be regulated in time. These changes could include finalising the draft regulations as well as providing a list of the medical and dental purposes for which blood and tissue can be removed and should make specific reference to the removal of tissue, blood or blood products to treat a sick sibling. It is also imperative that South Africa regulates these matters now, as „saviour siblings‟ are no longer simply a matter for the future. Furthermore, legislation needs to be amended and enacted to prevent the law from becoming out-dated and redundant, leaving „benefactor children‟ and „saviour siblings‟ vulnerable while law is being drafted. In that international law is silent on the matter, South Africa would be well advised to consider foreign law such as the United Kingdom, in developing its law. As the United Kingdom has developed a National Board, so too should South Africa, as this would assist in regulating „saviour siblings‟ by allowing members to review each proposed case of „saviour siblings‟. This is merely one recommendation of several which could facilitate a smooth, controlled regulation of a highly emotional topic. Children remain one of the most vulnerable groups in society and their rights are often susceptible to infringement or abuse. It is incumbent on the law to ensure that, wherever possible, these rights are protected, especially as science continues to advance and it becomes more difficult to determine what is morally correct.

This thesis attempts to ascertain the implications for human rights when rebels become the only advocates of a population targeted by mass violence. The specific focus is placed on the case of Kurdish rebel organisations from Iraq and Turkey. Lacking an ability to organise freely within either state, these groups established a presence in the more open political environment of the West where they undertook efforts aimed at winning global support. After setting a theoretical basis in chapters one and two, the case studies that follow begin with an overview of the causes of the violence experienced by the Iraqi and Turkish Kurds, before proceeding to assess how this violence was represented on the global stage by the rebel organisations and their representatives. The time period assessed runs from the immediate aftermath of World War One through to the present day. Whereas previous studies of advocacy in International Relations have looked closely at the actions of more benign actors such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, this study is more concerned with what happens when important human rights abuses go unnoticed. In such a context, rebels often become a people's only representatives. The result is that the message presented to the global community is one that conforms to the interests of the rebel organisation. This raises major questions and problems for millions whose perspectives might not match with rebel aims. In short, what is not said is more important than what is said. This focus on rebel-directed activism also casts serious doubts on the value of advocacy by exploring its role in reproducing rebel power at the expense of those that are most in need of support. It was only when Kurdish activists were able to establish an independent perspective that some of these limitations were addressed. In this, the act ivities carried out by the London-based Kurdish Human Rights Project (KHRP) are especially notable. By helping bring cases to the attention of the European Court of Human Rights, the KHRP has helped give voice and obtain tangible results for ordinary Kurds who never figured prominently in the agendas of any Kurdish rebel faction.

Using surveys and interviews with Mississippi Christians, this study provides a more complete understanding of Christians’ beliefs and attitudes toward homosexuality and gay and lesbian civil rights. I analyze how Mississippi Christians make sense of their relationships with gay and lesbian friends and family members and how this differs based on their religious identity. I then consider how these beliefs and attitudes are influenced by social contact with gays and lesbians. I find Mississippi Christians’ views toward homosexuality and gay and lesbian civil rights vary widely from rejection to acceptance. The most conservative views are held by evangelical Protestants who set themselves apart from society through their beliefs about homosexuality. They feel that homosexuality is always sinful and describe almost complete opposition to gay and lesbian civil rights. On the contrary, mainline Protestants continue to move towards full assimilation with secular society. Many believe the Bible does not say anything about homosexuality and that the church should be accepting of gays and lesbians. Mainline Protestants also largely support gay and lesbian civil rights. Catholics fall in the middle of the continuum. They describe a greater degree of ambivalence about the sinfulness of homosexuality and describe conditional acceptance of gay and lesbian civil rights. Social contact with gays and lesbians did not influence evangelical Protestants beliefs and attitudes toward homosexuality or gay and lesbian civil rights. Similarly, conservative Catholics continued to hold on to their more conservative religious beliefs about homosexuality despite social contact. Conservative Christians’ subcultural identity which stands in opposition to homosexuality is stronger than the effects of social contact for evangelical Protestants and conservative Catholics. On the other hand, social contact is often a strong enough influence to change beliefs and attitudes toward homosexuality and gay and lesbian civil rights for mainline Protestants and more liberal Catholics. This study demonstrates that conservative religion acts as a negative feature that deters the positive benefits of social contact to overcome prejudice.

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