Thesis (Ph. D.)--West Virginia University, 2005 / Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains iv, 268 p. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 258-268).

Thesis (Magister Scientiae)--Universidade Federal de Viçosa. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 66-67).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1968. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Ohio University, June, 2010. / Title from PDF t.p. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Nebraska-Lincoln, 2006. / Title from title screen (site viewed on Nov. 22, 2006). PDF text: ii, 216 p. : col. ill., maps ; 1.09Mb. UMI publication number: AAT 3215320. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in microfilm and microfiche format.

Following the social and political turmoil in many countries after the recent economic crisis, many Albanian migrants regarded a return to their ‘homeland’ as the best solution during a time of uncertainty. Adding to the literature on return migration, this research investigates a group of migrants, not previously studied extensively, whose return to their country of origin was triggered by the lingering economic crisis in Europe, particularly in Greece. The research explores the experiences of return migrants and their children in Albania by focusing on their (re)settlement issues, the ways they (re)construct a sense of belonging, and how their identity is impacted by these changes. Return migrants (aged 30-50 years) and their children (aged 7-18 years) participated in this research (n=51). Qualitative data were collected through in-depth interviews with respondents aged 13 years and above, augmented by focus groups and family case studies. This research was conducted in two waves and several participants were followed up to document changes. Findings show that the economic and socio-structural constraints in the origin country and uncertainties about the future experienced by adults create barriers to their overall ability to adjust and construct a sense of belonging in Albania. The research documents further that children of return migrants experience exclusion and nonbelonging, instigating feelings of being foreigners for a second time. While children showed improvement in their socio-spatial worlds overtime; in Wave 2 adults continued to grapple with employment instability and future uncertainties. Entangled in between these experiences and a simultaneous quest to belong, the research contributes to a better understanding of return migration in times of economic crisis.

Ce travail s’intéresse au milieu des militants de la SFIO dans le cadre du département d’Oran dans l’entre-deux-guerres, dans une « approche sociétale » qui dépasse les frontières du parti pour s’intéresser à son inscription dans l’environnement. L’évolution idéologique du groupe mise en lumière – le passage d’une réticence extrême face au nationalisme à une ouverture aux revendications des organisations de la population colonisée créées à cette époque, Association des ‘ulamā musulmans et Fédération des élus musulmans en tête – est restituée dans ses multiples réalités, politique mais aussi culturelle, sociale et sociabilitaire. Le changement des discours et des idées fut en effet à la fois accompagné et permis par une évolution des pratiques, des langues utilisées à la façon de mobiliser en passant par le vêtement, aussi bien que par celle des identités, avec l’entrée de militants issus de la population colonisée à la SFIO mais aussi l’évolution des réseaux militants, rapprochant le Parti socialiste des organisations revendicatives algériennes. Les principales conclusions de ce travail permettent d’élargir les récits du nationalisme algérien, en prenant en compte les transferts réciproques, organisationnels et théoriques, entre la gauche française et les premières organisations politiques algériennes. Elles éclairent aussi notre compréhension des sociétés coloniales, en montrant comment le Parti socialiste fut au cœur, en Algérie, d’une « transaction hégémonique impériale » : tout en contestant la façon dont la colonisation française fonctionnait, il en assura paradoxalement la solidité, en faisant vivre le langage, largement fictionnel, de l’assimilation, par delà la frontière coloniale. / My dissertation deals with the French Socialist group in the Western department of Algeria, Oran, during the interwar period. At first very reluctant about any proposition that could be considered similar to nationalism, this group progressively opened up to wider views: in the mid 1930s, it included a significant number of Algerian members and had added some of the major claims of the proto-nationalist movements to its political platform – mainly those of the Federation of Muslim elected representatives and the Association of Algerian Muslim ‘Ulamā. The process of cultural change in the Oran socialist milieu was accompanied and facilitated by mutations in both the socialist practices and sociability. Thus socialist ways of operating – mobilizing, campaigning and demonstrating – evolved: during the 1930s, the Socialists increasingly positioned themselves to attract the native Algerian population. But socialist ways of being – identities and social configurations – also mutated considerably, as the Socialist Party grew closer to the Algerian proto-nationalist organizations. The Socialist Party in Algeria can be understood as constituting an interstitial world, challenging the binary division of colonial societies into colonizing and colonized populations. The socialist activists of the Oran region challenged the “colonial border” in a significant albeit limited way. They opened a dialogue around the idea of colonial reform in a coercive context and constituted a “hegemonic imperial transaction”. The study of this short-lived community challenges the historiography as it analytically recalibrates the genesis of Algerian nationalism, taking into account a form of “colonial encounter” with the French left.

This thesis offers a consideration of how the ideological foundations of Zionism determine the movement’s exclusive relationship with an outside world that is posited at large and the native Palestinian population specifically. Contesting Israel’s exceptionalist security narrative, it identifies, through an extensive examination of the writings of Theodor Herzl, the overlapping settler colonialist and ethno-nationalist roots of Zionism. In doing so, it contextualises Herzl’s movement as a hegemonic political force that embraced the dominant European discourses of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, including anti-Semitism. The thesis is also concerned with the ways in which these ideological foundations came to bear on the Palestinian and broader Ottoman contexts. A closer consideration of Ottoman Palestine reveals a hidden history of imperial inclusivity that stands in stark contrast to the Zionist settler colonial model. The thesis explores the effects of the Zionist project on Palestine’s native population, highlighting early reactions to the marginalisation and exclusion suffered, as well as emerging strategies of resistance that locate an alternative, non-nationalist vision for the future of the region in the collective reappropriation of a pre-colonial past. The question is broached about the role that Palestinian literature can play within the context of such reclaiming efforts. More precisely, it debates whether Palestinian life writing emanating from the occupied territories contributes, in its recording of personal history, to the project of re-writing national history in opposition to the attempted Israeli erasure. Finally, by drawing a direct line from original Zionist thought to the politics and policies of the state of Israel today, the thesis suggests an on-going settler colonial structure that has become increasingly visible through the state’s use of spatially restrictive measures in order to finally conclude its settlement project. Israel’s obsessive ‘walling’ is discussed in that context as the physical escalation of Zionism’s founding ideological tenets.

While deconstruction has been taken up widely in the field of Postcolonial Studies, there is very little work done on the relationship between deconstruction and the question of Palestine. This thesis maintains that deconstruction has both something to offer the discourses surrounding the question of Palestine and that deconstruction needs to be opened up to the undeniable if it is to continue to be relevant to contemporary emancipation struggles, specifically here the Palestinian struggle. This is not to say that the Palestinian struggle needs deconstruction, or that deconstruction can provide some magical solution. The aim of this thesis is rather to explore Derrida’s own attitudes towards Israel/Palestine and to ask whether deconstruction is hospitable to the needs of Palestinian self-determination.

AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF Hannah J. Schmidt, for the Master of Arts degree in History, presented on May 23, 2017, at Southern Illinois University Carbondale. (Do not use abbreviations.) TITLE: Surviving Plymouth: Causes of Change in Wampanoag Culture in Colonial New England MAJOR PROFESSOR: Dr. Kay J. Carr The following research investigates the relationship between the Wampanoag tribe and English colonists of Southeastern Massachusetts throughout the seventeenth century. The Wampanoags, under the leadership of grand sachem Massasoit, were the first people to befriend members of the Plymouth Colony upon their landing in Massachusetts Bay in November 1620. The relationship that was built between the two groups was instrumental in establishing English colonial rule throughout the region that would later expand beyond Massachusetts. The dynamics of this relationship and the subsequent political, economic, and cultural dominance of the English throughout New England led to massive changes in Wampanoag culture and practices. Because of the early timing and unique closeness of their friendship, it is necessary to examine the Wampanoag tribe’s interactions with the colonists as a distinct experience that is, in many ways, specific to their tribe and cannot wholly be a depiction of larger relations between the English colonists and Native American groups of the period. The distinctive nature of the Wampanoag-English relationship is also particularly enlightening to the conflicting dynamic between native perspectives and practices and that which the English colonists brought with them and later imposed. The ideas of each group informed how they interacted with each other throughout the seventeenth century. Upon the establishment of English dominance throughout the region, the ideological frameworks within English settler-colonialism, in conjunction with environmental and other economic influences, threatened traditional Wampanoag culture and practices and led to an immense transformation in Wampanoag ways of living that was both willingly and unwillingly adopted.