This thesis is an attempt to determine the transferability of the findings of some Western studies carried out on Residential burglary, and the applicability of the main methods used for burglary reduction, to societies with different socio-economic structure, in this case Tehran, the capital city of Iran. The thesis will look at patterns of residential burglary found in Tehran and those found by European and American research studies to outline the similarities and differences between them to decide upon the suitability of `opportunity' theories, and ultimately situational preventive measures implemented in some Western countries for the prevention or reduction of burglary in Tehran. Following the failure of social and psychological methods in reducing burglary levels, situational crime prevention has received a great attention in some Western countries during the last few decades. Situational crime prevention policies are aimed at the reduction of crime levels by reducing crime opportunities, through i. e. target-hardening techniques, changes in the management, design, and manipulation of the immediate environment in which crime occurs, which lead to an increase in the risks perceived by a wide range of offenders, also by reducing the benefits of crime. A large proportion of Western criminological studies have carried out their research relying on the assumption which suggests that crime opportunities encourage crime, and that eliminating or blocking crime opportunities will result in the reduction of a large number of residential burglaries. Opportunity theory has adopted the `rationality' and the `routine activity' models of crime to explain when, where, and how burglaries occur. It is assumed that offenders are rational in the selection of crime opportunities that are associated with higher rewards and lower risks of detection. It is also suggested that the routine activities of victims, as well as offenders, play a major role in selecting crime targets that present better opportunities for crime. The main aim of this research is to determine the suitability of situational measures and theories underlying such research to other societies such as Tehran. In order to do so, patterns of residential burglary in Tehran have been examined. An attempt has been made to identify the factors influencing patterns of burglary, and to produce a better understanding of how burglary occurs in Tehran. A comparison between the findings from Tehran and those from Western studies is expected to demonstrate whether the theoretical framework underlying Western studies is capable of explaining burglary patterns in Tehran, and that preventive policies implemented in Western countries are suited to controlling of burglary levels in Tehran. It is hoped that the findings from the current research provide a basis for appropriate crime prevention policies and for future research.

Thesis (M.M. (Security))--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, Graduate School of Public and Development Management, 2013. / Stock theft is a national crisis in, across and throughout Lesotho. This fact has led the Lesotho Mounted Police Service to place stock theft management under the serious crimes unit. In the mid-1990s stock theft reached epidemic proportions in the southern district adjoining the Eastern Cape Province of the Republic of South Africa. This problem still persists and has lately turned very violent and deadly in the Qachas’nek District. However, the Quthing district has seen a relative decrease in the rate of stock theft in the mid-2000s. The purpose of this study was to investigate the factors and strategies used in both Quthing and Qachas’nek districts to curb cross border stock theft. These factors and strategies are then compared to establish why crossborder stock theft is decreasing in Quthing while it escalates in Qachas’nek. The main finding of the research is that the Quthing community adopted the strategy of community policing and were trained on crime prevention while the opposite is true in the Qachas’nek district. A community policing strategy has not been adopted in Qachas’nek. It has also been established that training in community policing and crime prevention has to be offered to police officers and the members of crime prevention committee members. Lastly, the study revealed that laws governing stock theft have to be amended and the crime prevention committees should be better empowered

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No description available.

This study examined the knowledge relevant to reducing crime affecting urban Aboriginal people through a risk-focused approach to prevention and a growing body of knowledge about how it gets implemented. It then examined this knowledge in a case study of its application in Winnipeg. Interviews were undertaken using a structured questionnaire with program stakeholders and policy planners involved in crime prevention initiatives, programming and policy in Winnipeg. Approximately half of the stakeholders were involved primarily with Aboriginal people and the other half were involved with programs that included both Aboriginal people and non-Aboriginal people. The interviews took place from September to November 2009. The interviews show that many stakeholders agree with the risk-focused prevention literature on risk factors and that there are prevention programs operating in Winnipeg serving at-risk Aboriginal people. Therefore, there exists the possibility of reducing crime given that they are tackling risk factors in a way which is consistent with crime prevention research. However, when the interviews turned to issues of implementation, it showed: • There is no responsibility centre to mobilize different sectors to tackle crime • Many programs are not implemented comprehensively • There is a lack of localized coordinated action (including support from the police chief and public engagement) • There is a lack of political leadership • There is no city-wide strategic plan, and • Programs are in constant competition for funding in order to continue operations. If we are to reduce the disproportionate rates of victimization and offending affecting urban Aboriginal peoples, we need to find more effective ways to implement the strategies that are proven to tackle risk factors. There must be support from the mayor and police chief, training and capacity development, and public engagement which fosters strong use of proven strategies. A responsibility centre with Aboriginal representation must be created. Funding must be expanded to support the community based organizations that are tackling established risk factors. Finally, sustained and adequate funding must be provided to these programs and the responsibility centre.

This study examined the knowledge relevant to reducing crime affecting urban Aboriginal people through a risk-focused approach to prevention and a growing body of knowledge about how it gets implemented. It then examined this knowledge in a case study of its application in Winnipeg. Interviews were undertaken using a structured questionnaire with program stakeholders and policy planners involved in crime prevention initiatives, programming and policy in Winnipeg. Approximately half of the stakeholders were involved primarily with Aboriginal people and the other half were involved with programs that included both Aboriginal people and non-Aboriginal people. The interviews took place from September to November 2009. The interviews show that many stakeholders agree with the risk-focused prevention literature on risk factors and that there are prevention programs operating in Winnipeg serving at-risk Aboriginal people. Therefore, there exists the possibility of reducing crime given that they are tackling risk factors in a way which is consistent with crime prevention research. However, when the interviews turned to issues of implementation, it showed: • There is no responsibility centre to mobilize different sectors to tackle crime • Many programs are not implemented comprehensively • There is a lack of localized coordinated action (including support from the police chief and public engagement) • There is a lack of political leadership • There is no city-wide strategic plan, and • Programs are in constant competition for funding in order to continue operations. If we are to reduce the disproportionate rates of victimization and offending affecting urban Aboriginal peoples, we need to find more effective ways to implement the strategies that are proven to tackle risk factors. There must be support from the mayor and police chief, training and capacity development, and public engagement which fosters strong use of proven strategies. A responsibility centre with Aboriginal representation must be created. Funding must be expanded to support the community based organizations that are tackling established risk factors. Finally, sustained and adequate funding must be provided to these programs and the responsibility centre.

In recent years there has been a growing trend in optical wireless convergence. One particular aspect of this is 60 GHz radio-over-fiber technology. It is intended for use in wireless personal area networks. However, we think that the same technology could be used for monitoring applications in the indoor environment. It could be used to detect emergency situations or to detect intruders. We shall examine reasons why this choice might be a suitable one. We shall then propose a MAC layer protocol to accomplish this task. Since in case of emergency we might require to obtain data from only one node for an extended duration, flexibility in implementation is required. We shall develop an adaptive MAC protocol where this would be possible. We accomplish this by including two protocol modes called the Icarus mode, which is to be used in case of an emergency and the Resync mode which is used when normality is restored. A significant problem at high frequencies is that the beam becomes increasingly narrow and behaves more in a ray like condition. This implies that particularly in an indoor environment it is possible that the beam may be accidentally blocked. In this case the node must be able shift the beam in order to enable communication. We demonstrate three such strategies and offer a comparative analysis.

This study examined the knowledge relevant to reducing crime affecting urban Aboriginal people through a risk-focused approach to prevention and a growing body of knowledge about how it gets implemented. It then examined this knowledge in a case study of its application in Winnipeg. Interviews were undertaken using a structured questionnaire with program stakeholders and policy planners involved in crime prevention initiatives, programming and policy in Winnipeg. Approximately half of the stakeholders were involved primarily with Aboriginal people and the other half were involved with programs that included both Aboriginal people and non-Aboriginal people. The interviews took place from September to November 2009. The interviews show that many stakeholders agree with the risk-focused prevention literature on risk factors and that there are prevention programs operating in Winnipeg serving at-risk Aboriginal people. Therefore, there exists the possibility of reducing crime given that they are tackling risk factors in a way which is consistent with crime prevention research. However, when the interviews turned to issues of implementation, it showed: • There is no responsibility centre to mobilize different sectors to tackle crime • Many programs are not implemented comprehensively • There is a lack of localized coordinated action (including support from the police chief and public engagement) • There is a lack of political leadership • There is no city-wide strategic plan, and • Programs are in constant competition for funding in order to continue operations. If we are to reduce the disproportionate rates of victimization and offending affecting urban Aboriginal peoples, we need to find more effective ways to implement the strategies that are proven to tackle risk factors. There must be support from the mayor and police chief, training and capacity development, and public engagement which fosters strong use of proven strategies. A responsibility centre with Aboriginal representation must be created. Funding must be expanded to support the community based organizations that are tackling established risk factors. Finally, sustained and adequate funding must be provided to these programs and the responsibility centre.

[Truncated abstract] This thesis examines the phenomenon of repeat burglary and its significance for crime prevention, criminology and victimology. The research program for this thesis was inspired some time ago by the Kirkholt burglary prevention project in the United Kingdom. The reduction of repeat victimisation quickly came to be seen as the key to Kirkholt?s success and by the late twentieth century victim-based crime prevention projects had been implemented in many parts of the world. However, even though these projects have achieved notable success there is still intense debate about why one-time victims are more likely than others to become future victims. This thesis aims to increase understanding of repeat burglary and other forms of repeat victimisation by contributing to its key concepts and its methods of analysis, and by applying these insights in Australian settings. In pursuing this endeavour the thesis links the problems of repeat victimisation with problems in other areas of criminology and social science. In particular the issue of whether prior victimisation is a cause of future victimisation or merely a marker of pre-existing risk has analogs in the areas of offending, of employment, in international disputes, and in many others. Despite this, there has been limited transfer of methods and concepts between repeat victim researchers and researchers in other areas. The thesis examines repeat burglary as a substantive area of research, but its approaches to method, concepts and data are relevant to all repeat victimisation research. ... It draws together criminological theory, conceptual analysis, and a pioneering application of survival analysis to pursue the mechanisms underlying repeat burglary in a Perth suburb. In doing so it illuminates issues about the relative power of state dependence and heterogeneity explanations of repeat burglary and arrives at substantive results that in some aspects differ from findings in the United Kingdom. This section also argues that the concept of state dependence commonly adopted is iv unnecessarily constraining and that a broader concept can explain some potentially conflicting findings of repeat victimisation research. Section 3 is an evaluation of a victim-focused burglary prevention initiative in Adelaide one of two nationally supported pilot projects. Section 4 examines carefully the claimed advantages of victim-focused crime prevention for distributing burglary prevention resources in an efficient and equitable way. It examines evidence concerning the differential capacity and willingness of victims to take effective preventive action and the need for both individual and collective support for effective preventive initiatives. Section 5 concludes the thesis by arguing first that the merging of victim support and crime prevention is not as simple as is sometimes claimed. It also argues that crime prevention needs to take into account more than criminological theory if it is to be effective. An important argument of the conclusion is that criminological imagination has been overly limited in comprehending repeat victimisation, and it explores the ways in which criminological research still struggles to appreciate the importance of the victim for theory and crime prevention. It also argues that the implications of repeat victimisation have yet to be fully developed and accepted. Fuller details of the thesis structure are given at the end of the introduction.

This study examined the knowledge relevant to reducing crime affecting urban Aboriginal people through a risk-focused approach to prevention and a growing body of knowledge about how it gets implemented. It then examined this knowledge in a case study of its application in Winnipeg. Interviews were undertaken using a structured questionnaire with program stakeholders and policy planners involved in crime prevention initiatives, programming and policy in Winnipeg. Approximately half of the stakeholders were involved primarily with Aboriginal people and the other half were involved with programs that included both Aboriginal people and non-Aboriginal people. The interviews took place from September to November 2009. The interviews show that many stakeholders agree with the risk-focused prevention literature on risk factors and that there are prevention programs operating in Winnipeg serving at-risk Aboriginal people. Therefore, there exists the possibility of reducing crime given that they are tackling risk factors in a way which is consistent with crime prevention research. However, when the interviews turned to issues of implementation, it showed: • There is no responsibility centre to mobilize different sectors to tackle crime • Many programs are not implemented comprehensively • There is a lack of localized coordinated action (including support from the police chief and public engagement) • There is a lack of political leadership • There is no city-wide strategic plan, and • Programs are in constant competition for funding in order to continue operations. If we are to reduce the disproportionate rates of victimization and offending affecting urban Aboriginal peoples, we need to find more effective ways to implement the strategies that are proven to tackle risk factors. There must be support from the mayor and police chief, training and capacity development, and public engagement which fosters strong use of proven strategies. A responsibility centre with Aboriginal representation must be created. Funding must be expanded to support the community based organizations that are tackling established risk factors. Finally, sustained and adequate funding must be provided to these programs and the responsibility centre.