This thesis will discuss the emerging influence of film review aggregators and their effect on the changing landscape for reviews in the film industry. Specifically, this study will look at the top 150 domestic grossing films of 2010 to empirically study the effects of two specific review aggregators. A time-delayed approach to regression analysis is used to measure the influencing effects of these aggregators in the long run. Subsequently, other factors crucial to predicting film success are also analyzed in the context of sustained earnings.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oklahoma, 1995. / Includes bibliographical references.

The purpose of this ideology critical study is to investigate the hidden content in the reform Gy11 and compare it with the concept new public management. After the clarification of the hidden content, we compare the structure of the organization in Swedish high schools with the structure in public sector called new public management. The main questions of this study are the following: Is it possible to see the foundation of new public management in the Swedish high schools when it comes to the views of knowledge and the formation of goals? Which similarities can we find when we look at the organization new public management and the Swedish high school? The result showed many similarities, both regarding the views of knowledge and the formations of goals. The structure of new public management has been largely implemented in the Swedish high schools and the schools now focus more on instrumental knowledge rather than universal knowledge based on understanding. This is not surprising due to the social progress. In a society where instrumental knowledge is requested with the purpose of being sold on the market, schools are transforming the knowledge that is being taught as well. We have arrived in a society where individuals grow instead of the collective.

Even though aid is a cornerstone of the Egyptian-American relationship, there is little research about economic aid's role in achieving US objectives, especially in producing policy alignment that would normalize Israel. Likewise, an under-studied derivative question is how the stipulation to maintain peace with Israel affected the (1) economic and structural processes of aligning Egypt with the American vision of `market-democracy' and (2) Egyptian critical assessments of the (non-military) effects associated with alignment into the American orbit? I argue that a reforming and democratizing narrative was used to transform Egypt into a stable "market-democracy" whose prosperity entailed pursuit of a "warm" peace. The transformation depended upon a dual strategy, combining the targeting of "natural allies" among a complicit elite as well as on privatization to align businesses, territories, civil organizations, and institutions or segments therein with American interests. The strategy's success in achieving alignment was also its weakness. Dependence on an autocratic elite for the implementation of reforms had the counter-effects of facilitating corruption and of reducing regime incentives to expand its constituencies of support beyond direct beneficiaries of the neoliberal privatizing changes. Instead of debate and engagement with opposing views to build new alliances, the strategy superseded and avoided sites of opposition. Therefore, contrary to the original aim of aid provision, the peace remained cold while its normalization dimensions became discursive triggers used as prisms with which to judge aid, the neoliberal reformist agenda, as well as normalization. The new partnerships provoked the production of competing conceptualizations of the proper relationship between the state and its citizens, conveyed in legal and constitutional re-definitions and re-distributions of rights and duties, as well as in divergent nationalist visions for Egypt's future. These competing ideas ranged between a nationalism that is globalizing, free-market, US- and regime-supported and another vision that is traditional, historically-informed, and socio-culturally-sensitive. Normalization's connection with aid had the counter-theoretical effect of reducing aid's ability to engender Gramscian hegemony. The US strategy of targeting allies and of privatization to effect normalization could not overcome extant socio-political forces whose discourses charged that aid produced anything but subordination (taba'iyya) - which differed significantly from promises of "peace, stability, and growth". Ultimately, even "reforming and democratizing" aid efforts could not disguise the subordinating effects of market and political alignment, and thus were not sufficient to elicit a new "common sense."

Lietuvos vėliavos pakėlimas ir salvės už tėvynę, Lietuvos kultūrą ir laisvą menininką. / The raise of Lithuanian flag and salvos for the motherland, Lithuanian culture and free artist.

No description available.

Thesis--Paris III, 1973. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 429-451) and index.

No description available.

O objetivo da tese de doutorado consistirá na defesa de uma alternativa para os dilemas políticos concernentes à incomparabilidade no interior de uma comunidade específica ou entre comunidades distintas, presente nas discussões em torno do pluralismo contemporâneo. Esta via é inspirada nos conceitos de bens constitutivos, avaliações fortes e articulação, desenvolvidos pelo filósofo canadense Charles Taylor, e é também uma tentativa de se pensar acerca de um projeto de crítica política que leve em consideração a motivação como elemento incontornável para a filosofia prática. A incomparabilidade, isto é, impossibilidade de critérios no julgamento entre práticas específicas, mas com repercussões públicas, levanta a questão de até que ponto é possível avaliar e deliberar racionalmente sobre modos de vida distintos e, às vezes, auto-excludentes. Tal problemática pode ser vista fortemente no chamado debate liberal-comunitarista, na década de 1980, bem como em seus desdobramentos nas discussões acerca do multiculturalismo, na década seguinte. E ainda, mais recentemente, nos impasses em torno do papel da religião na esfera pública. Mais do que pontos divergentes acerca da questão do julgamento, os que essas discussões também evidenciam é um debate mais central acerca do lugar que pode ocupar a política diante de nossa situação bem como as categorias pelas quais compreendemos o fenômeno do pluralismo. Sob a alcunha de comunitarista, o pensamento de Taylor aparece como uma forma atrativa por não se submeter ao relativismo (a impossibilidade de critério) e tampouco a um universalismo forte (baseado em critérios gerais e anteriores às práticas), ao desenvolver uma ontologia fundada em um conflito de bens constitutivos em disputa, sem desconsiderar o fenômeno do pluralismo. Com efeito, isto se dá na medida em que diante de práticas divergentes e concorrentes há implícita ou explicitamente uma posição acerca de como e a partir de onde podemos nos posicionar criticamente frente ao pluralismo vigente, uma vez que movimentos, discursos e relações são construídos em nome daquilo que se apresenta efetivamente como valioso ou digno de respeito e admiração. Neste sentido, qualquer tentativa de avaliação já diz respeito a nossa compreensão: de nós, do mundo e de nossa relação com o mundo. Um projeto crítico, levando em consideração nossas fontes que impulsionam a ação, requer um olhar detalhado que o pensamento de Taylor pode oferecer, especialmente a partir da relação entre os conceitos supracitados. / The purpose of this doctoral thesis consists in defending an alternative for the political dilemmas related to the issue of incomparability within specific communities or among different communities - an issue which is often discussed in the context of contemporary pluralism. This line of thought is inspired by the concepts of constitutive goods, strong evaluations and articulation, as defined by the Canadian philosopher Charles Taylor, and it is also an attempt to think about a political science project which adopts motivation as an inescapable element for practical philosophy. Incomparability, that is, the impossibility of using appropriate criteria for judging specific practices which incurs in public repercussions, raises the question of up to what extent it is possible to rationally evaluate and deliberate on distinct modes of life, which sometimes exclude each other. This set of problems can be strongly identified in the so-called liberal-communitarian debate of the 80s, and its developments are easily spotted in the discussions on multiculturalism which arose in the 90s, as well as in more recent dilemmas regarding the role of religion within the public sphere. Such discussions have brought about not only diverging points on the issue of judgment; they have also highlighted a more central debate regarding the standing that politics is able to take with regard to our situation, as well as the categories through which we grasp the phenomenon of pluralism. Under the epithet of communitarian, Taylors theoretical approach arises as an interesting pathway to be taken, since it doesnt subject itself neither to a relativistic perspective (the impossibility of finding appropriate criteria), nor to a strong universalism (which is based on general criteria established prior to the practices), by developing an ontology established upon the conflict of competing constitutive goods, without overlooking the phenomenon of pluralism. In fact, this happens when, confronted with diverging and rivaling practices, there is, either implicitly or explicitly, a position regarding how and from where we are able to take a critical stance towards the actual pluralism, since movements, discourses and relationships are built on behalf of what presents itself as being effectively valuable or worthy of respect and admiration. In this sense, any attempt at performing evaluations is automatically linked to our understanding of ourselves, of the world and of our relationship with the world. Taking into account our sources, from which action itself arises, a critical project requires attentive consideration, and this can be offered by Taylors reasoning, especially with regard to the concepts mentioned above.

O objetivo da tese de doutorado consistirá na defesa de uma alternativa para os dilemas políticos concernentes à incomparabilidade no interior de uma comunidade específica ou entre comunidades distintas, presente nas discussões em torno do pluralismo contemporâneo. Esta via é inspirada nos conceitos de bens constitutivos, avaliações fortes e articulação, desenvolvidos pelo filósofo canadense Charles Taylor, e é também uma tentativa de se pensar acerca de um projeto de crítica política que leve em consideração a motivação como elemento incontornável para a filosofia prática. A incomparabilidade, isto é, impossibilidade de critérios no julgamento entre práticas específicas, mas com repercussões públicas, levanta a questão de até que ponto é possível avaliar e deliberar racionalmente sobre modos de vida distintos e, às vezes, auto-excludentes. Tal problemática pode ser vista fortemente no chamado debate liberal-comunitarista, na década de 1980, bem como em seus desdobramentos nas discussões acerca do multiculturalismo, na década seguinte. E ainda, mais recentemente, nos impasses em torno do papel da religião na esfera pública. Mais do que pontos divergentes acerca da questão do julgamento, os que essas discussões também evidenciam é um debate mais central acerca do lugar que pode ocupar a política diante de nossa situação bem como as categorias pelas quais compreendemos o fenômeno do pluralismo. Sob a alcunha de comunitarista, o pensamento de Taylor aparece como uma forma atrativa por não se submeter ao relativismo (a impossibilidade de critério) e tampouco a um universalismo forte (baseado em critérios gerais e anteriores às práticas), ao desenvolver uma ontologia fundada em um conflito de bens constitutivos em disputa, sem desconsiderar o fenômeno do pluralismo. Com efeito, isto se dá na medida em que diante de práticas divergentes e concorrentes há implícita ou explicitamente uma posição acerca de como e a partir de onde podemos nos posicionar criticamente frente ao pluralismo vigente, uma vez que movimentos, discursos e relações são construídos em nome daquilo que se apresenta efetivamente como valioso ou digno de respeito e admiração. Neste sentido, qualquer tentativa de avaliação já diz respeito a nossa compreensão: de nós, do mundo e de nossa relação com o mundo. Um projeto crítico, levando em consideração nossas fontes que impulsionam a ação, requer um olhar detalhado que o pensamento de Taylor pode oferecer, especialmente a partir da relação entre os conceitos supracitados. / The purpose of this doctoral thesis consists in defending an alternative for the political dilemmas related to the issue of incomparability within specific communities or among different communities - an issue which is often discussed in the context of contemporary pluralism. This line of thought is inspired by the concepts of constitutive goods, strong evaluations and articulation, as defined by the Canadian philosopher Charles Taylor, and it is also an attempt to think about a political science project which adopts motivation as an inescapable element for practical philosophy. Incomparability, that is, the impossibility of using appropriate criteria for judging specific practices which incurs in public repercussions, raises the question of up to what extent it is possible to rationally evaluate and deliberate on distinct modes of life, which sometimes exclude each other. This set of problems can be strongly identified in the so-called liberal-communitarian debate of the 80s, and its developments are easily spotted in the discussions on multiculturalism which arose in the 90s, as well as in more recent dilemmas regarding the role of religion within the public sphere. Such discussions have brought about not only diverging points on the issue of judgment; they have also highlighted a more central debate regarding the standing that politics is able to take with regard to our situation, as well as the categories through which we grasp the phenomenon of pluralism. Under the epithet of communitarian, Taylors theoretical approach arises as an interesting pathway to be taken, since it doesnt subject itself neither to a relativistic perspective (the impossibility of finding appropriate criteria), nor to a strong universalism (which is based on general criteria established prior to the practices), by developing an ontology established upon the conflict of competing constitutive goods, without overlooking the phenomenon of pluralism. In fact, this happens when, confronted with diverging and rivaling practices, there is, either implicitly or explicitly, a position regarding how and from where we are able to take a critical stance towards the actual pluralism, since movements, discourses and relationships are built on behalf of what presents itself as being effectively valuable or worthy of respect and admiration. In this sense, any attempt at performing evaluations is automatically linked to our understanding of ourselves, of the world and of our relationship with the world. Taking into account our sources, from which action itself arises, a critical project requires attentive consideration, and this can be offered by Taylors reasoning, especially with regard to the concepts mentioned above.