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In Malawi, as in many newly-democratic countries in the developing world, donor organisations and NGOs have embarked on projects aimed at making reforms in governance which have generated a profusion of new spaces for citizen engagement. This thesis critically examines one such project in Malawi against the backdrop of a democratic nation emerging from a background of dictatorial regime. For thirty years, until 1994, Malawi was under the one-party regime of Kamuzu Banda which was characterised by dictatorial tendencies, in which participatory processes were non-existent and development was defined in terms of client-patronage relationships between the state and society (Cammack, 2004: 17). In 1994, however, Malawi embraced a multiparty system of government, paving way to various political and social reforms, which adopted participatory approaches to development. Drawing on a number of literatures, this thesis seeks to historicize the relationship which developed during the pre democracy era between the state and society in Malawi to underscore its influence on the current dispositions displayed by both bureaucrats and citizens as they engage in participatory decision making processes. This is achieved through a critical realist case study of a participatory radio project in Malawi called Ndizathuzomwe which works through a network of community-based radio production structures popularly known as ‘Radio Listening Clubs’(RLCs) where communities are mobilised at village level to first identify and define development problems through consensus and then secondly engage state bureaucrats, politicians, and members of other relevant service delivery organisations in making decisions aimed at resolving community-identified development problems (Chijere-Chirwa et al, 2000). Unlike during the pre-democracy era, there is now a shift in the discourse of participation in development, from the participation of ‘beneficiaries’ in projects, to the more political and rights-based definitions of participation by citizens who are the ‘makers and shapers’ of their own development (Cornwall and Gaventa, 2000). The findings of this thesis, however point to the fact that, there remains a gap between normative expectations and empirical realities in that spaces for participation are not neutral, but are themselves shaped by power relations (Cornwall, 2002). A number of preconditions exist for entry into participatory institutions as such entry of certain interests and actors into public spaces is privileged over others through a prevailing mobilisation of bias or rules of the game (Lukes, 1974: I)

Plusieurs instances contentieuses internationales ont peu à peu accepté que des enfants exercent leur droit de recours de manière autonome. Généralement frappés par le principe d’incapacité juridique, les mineurs n’ont pas la possibilité d’agir directement devant les juridictions internes. La condition de la victime prévalant sur l’âge ou la condition juridique, ils ont pu dénoncer des violations de leurs droits devant ces instances. Confortée par une approche émancipatrice, cette nouvelle position de l’enfant sur la scène juridique ne remet pas en cause la nécessité de lui accorder un statut spécial. Il ne pourrait en effet être soumis aux mêmes règles que les adultes en raison de sa condition particulière, d’autant plus qu’il doit faire face à des obstacles supplémentaires, aussi bien juridiques, politiques, socio-économiques que culturels. Ainsi, une série de mesures doivent être adoptées afin d’encadrer sa participation et d’assurer que les procédures soient adaptées. Il s’agit de respecter les garanties fondamentales du procès équitable tout en prenant en considération ses intérêts spécifiques ainsi que ses capacités évolutives. L’enjeu principal dans cet exercice d’adaptation consiste donc à trouver un équilibre entre sa protection et sa participation. Le débat sur la capacité de l’enfant réside au centre de cette thèse, de même que l’évolution de la conception des droits de l’enfant et le dilemme de différence. Se dessinent alors les meilleures pratiques au sein de ces différentes instances. Le rôle joué par l’enfant est également souligné. Considéré comme un acteur, il est aussi un partenaire guidant l’adulte dans ce processus / The procedural capacity of children has progressively been recognized by some international judicial authorities. Generally without legal capacity, minors do not have the ability to act directly before domestic courts. However, minors have been able to claim violations of their rights before international authorities, taking into account their victim status rather than their age or legal status. Supported by an emancipatory approach, this new role of children on the judicial scene does not call into question the necessity to give them a special status. Indeed, children could not be subject to the same rules as adults because of their singular status, especially since they have to face additional obstacles, including legal, political, socio-economic and cultural obstacles. Thus, a series of measures must be adopted to supervise their participation and to ensure that the procedures are adapted. Fundamental guarantees of the right to a fair trial need to be respected, while taking into account the child’s specific interests and his evolving capacities. The main challenge in this process is to find a balance between protection and participation. The debate on the child's capacity is at the core of this study, as well as the evolution of the conception of children's rights and the difference dilemma. Best practices are thus defined. The role of the child is also exemplified. Considered as an actor, he is also a partner guiding adults in the process

M.Ed. / Educational organisations on the international front are being bombarded by a proliferation of in-vogue terminology such as participative management, collaboration, shared vision and decentralisation that are associated with the collegial management model. However, an in-depth critical analysis of international educational systems reveal that these new-age concepts associated with collegiality are more theoretical in nature and seldom translated into practice in schools (Sergiovanni and Starratt, 1988). There are still deep seated bureaucratic principles embedded in the management fibre of schools and this gives rise to a false type of working together namely “contrived collegiality”, in an effort to comply with the existing demands perpetuated by legislature and policy. According to Hargreaves (1994: 192) contrived collegiality, as opposed to genuine collegiality, arises through administrative control, and is imposed on the teachers regardless of their desires.

M.A. (Public Management and Governance) / This dissertation focused on the variables that influence civil society participation in selected African countries. This dissertation dealt inter alia with the conceptual and contextual variables of civil society participation in general and civil society organisations’ participation in particular. The aim was to determine what should be included in this process to make it efficient within a Third World context or a new developing democracy. A general descriptive, qualitative and interpretive approach was followed in terms of civil participation in Africa. Specific case studies – Burkina-Faso, Tanzania and Zimbabwe – were identified to highlight the observations. The main study objectives entailed a conceptual description and an explanation of the participation related concepts, phenomena, and processes that influence civil society participation in Africa. Notably, this was done by undertaking a detailed literature study. The dissertation also provided a specific level of understanding of the nature of the variables that influence civil society participation in selected African countries. The aim was to gain a better understanding of the nature and problems of participative democratic governance in African states. The study focused on the nature and forms of civil society participation on a local level and communal structures in African countries in general. Specific focus was placed on Burkina-Faso, Tanzania and Zimbabwe. From this perspective this study addressed the question of civil society, forms of political participation, as well as the social processes developing in Africa. The study perceived the notions of ‘civil society’ and ‘political participation’ with an empirical approach and used the term ‘civil society’ in the positive sense. Thus, civil society included the associated movements and the individual entities that participate in exercising social control over the political class, without formally or exclusively belonging to it. It was found that exercising social control in Africa is a cultural phenomenon, which is varied and dynamic with regard to its content and forms. Criticism, allocating prestige or shame, coercion or the use of violence, free expression and explicit manifestations of approval or disapproval are equal modalities in exercising this social control in Africa as a form of political participation. Notably, this corresponds to the ‘national’ and the ‘local’ levels of governance.

Longtemps considérés comme les parents pauvres du système commercial international et quémandeurs de traitements préférentiels, les pays en développement (PED) représentent aujourd’hui 50% du commerce mondial. Ils sont perçus à la fois comme de gigantesques marchés potentiels ou comme de dangereux concurrents pour les entreprises des pays développés. Leur place sur la scène commerciale internationale est plus que jamais à l'ordre du jour. La meilleure preuve en est le surnom de «cycle du développement» attribué au round de négociations lancé en novembre 2001 à l'issue de la Conférence ministérielle de Doha de l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce. En choisissant d’étudier la problématique de la participation des PED à l'OMC, nous nous fixons deux objectifs ; le premier consiste à mieux comprendre les enjeux de l'application des règles de l'OMC sur les PED. En examinant cette question, nous serons amenés à observer comment ces pays collaborent et contribuent d’une manière directe aux activités principales de cette organisation. Le deuxième objectif consiste à étudier la nécessité d’accorder un traitement spécial et différencié aux PED. Ainsi nous allons examiner les enjeux de la participation des PED à l'OMC (Partie I). La seconde partie (partie II) est consacrée, quant à elle, à une étude exhaustive de leur statut actuel au sein de l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce. Les différentes dispositions relatives au traitement spécial et différencié en leur faveur sont mises en évidence, ainsi que leur efficacité parfois toute relative / Long time considered as weak entities of the international trading system and requesters for preferential treatment, developing countries account for 50% of global trade today. They are seen both as huge potential markets and as dangerous competitors for developed countries’ firms. Their place on the international trade scene is more than ever on the agenda. The best proof is their denomination «development round» attributed to the round of negotiations launched in November 2001 after the Doha Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization. By studying the issue of developing countries in the WTO's participation we set two goals. The first is to better understand the issues of the application of WTO rules on developing countries. When considering this question, we must bear in mind (or consider sans bear in mind) how these countries work together and contribute in a direct way to the main activities of this organization. The second purpose is to study the need for a special and differential treatment for developing countries. Thus, we examine the participation of developing countries in the WTO' issues (Part I). The second part (Part II) is devoted, in its turn, to a comprehensive study of their current status in the World Trade Organization. The various measures related to a special and differential treatment in their favor are highlighted and also their effectiveness, sometimes all link with

La participation publique fait partie du décor de la gouvernance des institutions sociosanitaires québécoises depuis plusieurs décennies. Malgré une apparente volonté de la part des élus pour les maintenir et les réinventer, les instruments de participation publique mis en place au sein du système de santé fournissent aux citoyens un pouvoir négligeable sur les décisions majeures qui concernent le système de santé. Nous avons appliqué la grille d’analyse des innovations démocratiques de Graham Smith (2009) à l’étude des choix et du discours en matière de participation publique par les élus et commissaires d’enquête lors des principales réformes des institutions québécoises de santé. Notre analyse a révélé que les élus et commissaires d’enquête arborent des positions paradoxales, se disant généralement favorables à la participation publique, tout en recommandant et adoptant des mesures qui limitent le pouvoir des citoyens. Notre étude nous a aussi permis de faire ressortir que la faible propension des élus et commissaires d’enquête à offrir des espaces de participation publique ne s’appliquerait qu’à propos des instruments de participation publique offrant aux citoyens un rôle direct sur la prise de décision, alors que les élus semblent plus ouverts aux instruments purement consultatifs.

This paper seeks to examine the impact of electoral websites on young people’s electoral engagement, focusing on the 2012 London Mayoral and US Presidential election. It does so by employing an innovative research design to connect the supply and demand side of the equation, including quantitative content analysis and an innovative experiment that allows for qualitative evaluation as well as for an examination of the causal effects of exposure to specific websites. The three specific types of websites examined in each election are: youth mobilization websites, the official candidate campaigning websites and Vote Advice Applications. We explore the effects of these websites on behavioural, cognitive and attitudinal aspects of engagement: likelihood of voting, attention to news, internal and external efficacy and political trust. Research to date on the effect of electoral websites on young people has produced mixed results on political engagement and efficacy (e.g. Tedesco, 2007; Xenos and Kyoung, 2008). We find no direct effect on young people for voting across the websites but we do find a number of significant effects across the other variables, which are occasionally found only amongst those with the lowest pre-existing levels of engagement. This leads us to conclude that the web can create a pathway to participation for young people but this is dependent on the specific type and attributes of the website, the election context and the young person themselves.

Masters in Public Administration - MPA / Community participation is relevant to every sector of development, for example, education, health, housing, water and sanitation, agricultural development and conservation. The assumption is that public participation is positive in that it can contribute to making programmes more sustainable. Public participation in local government processes, especially in the Integrated Development Plan, is imperative to the promotion of institutional democracy. The Integrated Development Plan as a development tool promotes participatory democracy. This public participation study of the Integrated Development Plan in the City of Cape Town was conducted in four sub-council areas of the city to determine whether public participation was successful and whether the objectives of local government are being met. / South Africa

The Vietnamese have been resided in Czech Republic since 1950s. Literature claims that the Vietnamese is a rather successfully integrated group in Czech Republic comparing with other minority. Hence, the master thesis aims at exploring the political participation as well as civic engagement of university students with Vietnamese ethnicity and are conceived as second generation of the Vietnamese group in Czech Republic. Based on a review on literature on theories and relevant studies on political participation, the research employed qualitative approach through semi-structured interviews with 15 Vietnamese university students in Prague. Analysis of the responses demonstrates that most of the participants perceive political participation as their duty of citizenship and do not link their political participation with minority identity. Meanwhile, a distinction of attitude towards civic engagement and political participation for the target group and the trend of replacing political activities with civic activities is discovered. At the end of the research, this study indicates that conventional theories of political participation are not be able to cover the complexity of political participation in the modern society. Keywords Vietnamese minority, political participation, civic participation, minority...