This thesis explores the role of folklore in creating an online Orkney place, referring to key literature from the discipline of folklore and the study of place, including the study of island places. The research introduces the concept and theory of Virtually Filtered Places: places created in the digital environment which are related to identifiable physical places in the non-digital environment. Such virtually filtered places are created by multiple users, meaning they are subject to compounded subjectivity; and are created across a range of digital platforms, meaning a virtually filtered place is one which has a range of possibilities and multiples depending on the nature of the data collection, including which platforms are analysed. This theory is grounded in the fields of space and place research, and of potential relevance to a wide variety of disciplines which focus on the interaction and engagement of users in digital environments which are linked to places in non-digital environments. The research develops a methodological approach grounded in digital ethnography, focussing upon three case studies using the social media platforms Facebook and Twitter. As a participant observer on Twitter, the researcher hosted a Twitter Hour discussing the #OrkneySupernatural, and hosted three Hosted Hashtags on Twitter, discussing three key themes that arose from early thematic analysis: the physical environment (#OrkneyAndPlace), the human environment (#OrkneyAndPeople), and the online environment (#OrkneyOnline). The researcher collated data from Facebook Groups and Pages as an invisible observer. Following iterative thematic analysis, nine sub-themes were identified. Referring to users' utilisation of platform-specific functionality and the themes and sub-themes identified, the creation of space and place relating to Orkney in the online environment is discussed, specifically considering the role that branding, media, and people play in the creation of place. The research considers the role of folklore in creating an online Orkney place (or a virtual Orkney), focussing on the importance of both the physical environment and the human environment. Finally, the features of this virtual Orkney are discussed, concluding with a proposal for how to approach the study of similar virtually filtered places. The research offers potential ways in which to investigate emerging and developing virtual places, and what folklore as a discipline can contribute to such studies in the context of place and the fluctuating digital environments in which these places are created.

Background: Direct patient care is a term being used within nursing and healthcare. The term is used to explain what the nursing and clinical support staff are doing during a rostered shift. One particular area in which patients attend regularly and require a large amount of nursing support is the haemodialysis unit. Patients attend this department usually for three to six hours, with treatment lasting from three hours to over five hours. Patients require to attend three times a week to receive long but lifesaving treatment through one form of renal replacement therapy. Aim: This doctoral research was designed to explore the idea of ‘direct patient care’ within one specific context, where patients spend a great deal of time in a healthcare setting- the haemodialysis out-patient unit. This study aimed to explore nursing staff’s and patients’ experiences and perceptions of direct patient care in this area. Methods: The research used an ethnographic approach, using an insider as the researcher, due to holding an existing nursing position in the area, and was conducted between December 2013 - August 2014. The research considered both registered nurses and healthcare support workers, as well as patients, as participants. Data was initially collected using participant observation; using fieldnotes, informal questioning and photographs. Observation sessions lasted between 4-6 hours covering the different days and shifts. 27 Semi-structured interviews were also used in a small purposive sample of all participant groups. This variety of methods allowed for the views and experiences of haemodialysis patients, registered nurses and clinical support workers to be gained. Results/Findings: The analysis uncovered that direct patient care was the provision of safe, comfortable and individualised care. Direct patient Care was then identified to be delivered in two ways- actively or passively. Active care follows the more traditional understanding of time together, through engagement or interaction. Passive care identifies that staff being visible and available for patients, despite not being in close proximity or directly caring for patients, still allows a patient to be cared for, and in turn, staff feel they are caring for the patients during their time in this environment. Underpinning both of these ways of direct patient care delivery is the individual connection between the member of staff and the patient. The connections within the haemodialysis unit are part of this ability to deliver active and passive care. The individual connection between a patient and either a registered nurse or support worker facilitates this. The familiarity of each of these groups to each other, rapport, trust and being interested allow for this individual connection. Conclusion: Direct patient care in the haemodialysis unit can be understood using a conceptual model, where the process of delivering this direct patient care is either by active or passive care, with both allowing the provision of safe, comfort and individualised as part of direct patient care.

O que são obras de arte, objetos únicos ou transformações de outras obras. O que a dança faz. O dançarino é quem pensa seu corpo ou é seu corpo que o pensa. Como se dão unidades de movimento, como aparecem, como e onde se fixam. De onde vem o olhar, para onde vai, que funções ou disfunções ele cumpre. Qual o lugar da relação entre intérpretes e espectadores, dissolução ou reformulação dessa fronteira. Pode uma obra de dança ser pensada nos moldes de um ritual, como o define Claude Lévi-Strauss [2011], enquanto uma busca um tanto desenfreada pelo contínuo do vivido em oposição à descontinuidade do pensamento mítico. Quantos corpos cabem num corpo, quantas pessoas podem ser um corpo. Não seria também o processo criativo um vasto ritual de passagem, como o descreve Victor Turner [2005], dançarinos neófitos que se deslocam do mundo social para voltarem a ele transformados, refeitos em corpos outros. Pode a dança ser considerada análoga à poesia, por transformar no corpo o que a poesia transforma na língua. São alguns dos problemas que vou criando ao longo deste ensaio, que é fruto de uma imersão etnográfica no universo dos ensaios do Núcleo Artérias, grupo de dança contemporânea da cidade de São Paulo, dirigido pela coreógrafa Adriana Grechi, com o qual me encontrei um tanto fortuitamente, devido ao interesse primeiro de etnografar processos criativos. Meus interlocutores em campo, além de Adriana, são nove dançarinas e três obras de dança contemporânea, Público [2010], Fleshdance [2012] e Bananas [2013], que são aqui desdobradas enquanto processos. A proporção teórica deste ensaio é fruto de algumas leituras mais significativas que fui fazendo ao longo do mestrado, leituras que passaram a informar a imersão etnográfica a que eu me propunha, influenciando meu olhar em campo e consequentemente o sentido das notas que eu ia fazendo. Sua porção etnográfica provém das notas que fui produzindo ao longo dos processos de Público, Fleshdance e Bananas, que frequentei semanalmente, do início ao fim, ora à distância do olhar ora adentrando os processos criativos, pontualmente, quando elas me pediam considerações. A maior parte do tempo passei no chão, sentado a um canto da sala de ensaios, em silêncio, observando e anotando, à mão. Foram três cadernos de campo inteiros. / What are works of art, unique objects or transformations of other works. What does dance do. Is the dancer who thinks their body or their body thinks the dancer. How do units of movement appear, how and where do they attach. Where does gaze come from, where does it go, what functions or dysfunctions does it meet. What is the place of the relationship between performers and spectators, dissolution or recast of that border. Can a dance work be thought of in terms of a ritual, as defined by Claude Levi-Strauss [2011], while a search somewhat unrestrained for the continuous of living as opposed to the discontinuity of mythical thought. How many bodies fit in a body, how many people can be a body. Is not the creative process also a wide rite of passage, as described by Victor Turner [2005], turning dancers into neophytes who move from social world to get back to it transformed, remade in other bodies. Can dance be considered analogous to poetry, by transforming in the body what poetry transforms in the language. These are some of the problems that create over this essay, which is the result of an ethnographic immersion into the world of the rehearsals of Núcleo Artérias, contemporary dance group from São Paulo, directed by choreographer Adriana Grechi. My interlocutors in the field, besides her, are nine dancers and three works of contemporary dance, Público [2010], Fleshdance [2012] and Bananas [2013], which are deployed here as processes. The theoretical proportion of this essay is the result of some more significant readings I did over master, readings that informed the ethnographic immersion, influencing my gaze on the field and consequently the meaning of the notes I was making. Its ethnographic portion comes from the notes that I produced over the rehearsals of Público, Fleshdance and Bananas, which I attended weekly, from start to finish, sometimes by looking, sometimes by entering the creative processes, occasionally, when they asked for my considerations. Most of the time I spent on the ground, sitting in a corner of the rehearsal room, silently watching and taking notes, by hand. There were three field notebooks, filled entirely.

This ethnography allows me to build relationships with my students and their families by looking beyond my own assumptions and biases. By looking at my schooling experience, teaching vision, students, classroom, and first year of teaching experience, I have been able to compare how my schooling influence my teaching visions. By using my teaching visions in my classroom, I can examine whether my visions were ideal, successful, or unsuccessful. Within the classroom, I was able to gain knowledge on three focus students. With these three focus students, I observed those students in the classroom as well as at home. Along with this, home visitations and family interviews were conducted to further improve relationships with students and their families. In addition to these three focus students and their families, I also broaden my knowledge of my class as a whole by analyzing data and identifying strengths, weaknesses, and growth. In addition to understanding my classroom, I studied the community my students are apart of as well as how school and education fit into the community. By communicating with diverse individuals and getting to know their personal story I have been able to develop and grow as an individual and professional in education.

Unitarian Universalism is a modern religion with a long history of reformation rooted in Christianity. My ethnography examines one of the Unitarian Universalist fellowships located in South Florida. The research examines the role of the church in American lives and the significance of the religious experience among liberals and humanists. American religions have been the focus of social scientists for the past forty years. This study shed light on how modernity affects the trajectory of religion in the United States. This is a holistic approach viewed of one of the American religions through a socio economic and political lens. Unitarian Universalism is comprehended through themes of individual narratives. Unitarian Universalist narratives present the religious experience a heterogeneous group might share. The story of Unitarian Universalists explains how religion is attached socially and culturally to believers. My research offers an alternative narrative for people who represent a minority among traditional and world religions. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2019. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

This critical ethnography focused on improving the teaching and learning of chemistry in a diverse, urban, tenth-grade classroom in high-achieving magnet high school serving students of differing cultural, social, and historical backgrounds. Participants included all 26 students in the class, a university researcher (Sarah-Kate LaVan) and me as a teacher-researcher. Conducted within the methodological and theoretical frameworks of critical ethnography, this research employed collaborative research, autobiographical reflection, the sociology of emotions, and cogenerative dialogues as tools by which to examine the influence of structure and the social and historical contexts of lived experiences on teacher and student practices in the context of the science learning that took place in our classroom. The methods employed in this ethnography were designed to catalyze social transformation by identifying contradictions within structures and then finding ways to alter these structures to expand the agency of all those involved. Specifically I asked the following questions: 1) How do practices and schemas gained by being within school structures afford the structures of the classroom field? 2) How can the structures of the classroom be transformed to allow students and teachers greater exchange of capital (social, cultural, and symbolic)? 3) How does the exchange of capital afford agency for the participants? 4) How can participants' actions transform the structures associated with school and the classroom to break cycles of reproduction? Using multiple data resources such as field notes, videotape, interviews and artifacts, our research team was able to elicit and support findings at micro-, meso-, and macroscopic levels to answer these questions. / This research provides evidence of the ways in which structure shapes and is shaped by the practices and beliefs of students and teachers in different fields and how those, in turn, structure fields and afford agency for both the individual and the collective. The major findings of the study reveal that students and teachers need to participate in structured conversations that explicitly define and negotiate roles and rules for successful classroom interactions. One way to accomplish this is via participation in overlapping fields of cogenerative dialogue, a feature of our research methodology that emerged as salient during our research. This study offers administrators, teachers, and students a means by which to evaluate the ways in which structures shape the learning environment. Coupled with cogenerative dialogue, participants are provided a pathway for expanding agency in the classroom and in the school.

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Purpose: The purpose of this study was to discover nurse educators' perceptions about the culture of nursing and how they bring students into that culture. <br>Background: Although the extant literature addresses the process of socialization to the profession, literature exploring socialization as enculturation is scant. Nurse educators' perspectives on the culture of nursing needed further exploration, as their voice on this topic is relatively silent and they provide the first formal enculturation to the profession. Viewing nursing as a professional culture may more effectively enable faculty to clarify and explicate for students the values, behaviors, symbols, and beliefs inherent in the profession. <br>Methodology: This study was a focused ethnography, utilizing Leininger's Four Phases of Data Analysis. <br>Conclusion and Implications: Four main themes emerged from the data. These themes are the culture of nursing is multifaceted, multivalent and at times contradictory; multiple factors both internal and external to the culture influence the culture of nursing; nursing faculty believe that the right conditions facilitate the enculturation of students; navigating the subcultures (academia, service and organizational culture) is challenging for faculty. Theme One reflects faculty participants' views of the diverse characteristics and roles attributed to nurses and the absence of a composite, well-articulated characterization of the culture of nursing other than by value of caring. Theme Two reflects faculty participants' perceptions of the many internal and external factors that influence the culture of nursing. Theme Three captures faculty participants' strong beliefs about what was necessary to bring students into that culture. <br>Theme Four illustrates the many cultural negotiations required daily of faculty participants as they participate in multiple, and at times conflicting subcultures within the culture of nursing. This study has implications for the preparation of nurse educators, curriculum development in nursing education, the education-practice gap, and the role of nurse educators in shaping the culture of nursing. / School of Nursing / Nursing / PhD / Dissertation

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to discover nurse educators' perceptions about the culture of nursing and how they bring students into that culture. <br>Background: Although the extant literature addresses the process of socialization to the profession, literature exploring socialization as enculturation is scant. Nurse educators' perspectives on the culture of nursing needed further exploration, as their voice on this topic is relatively silent and they provide the first formal enculturation to the profession. Viewing nursing as a professional culture may more effectively enable faculty to clarify and explicate for students the values, behaviors, symbols, and beliefs inherent in the profession. <br>Methodology: This study was a focused ethnography, utilizing Leininger's Four Phases of Data Analysis. <br>Conclusion and Implications: Four main themes emerged from the data. These themes are the culture of nursing is multifaceted, multivalent and at times contradictory; multiple factors both internal and external to the culture influence the culture of nursing; nursing faculty believe that the right conditions facilitate the enculturation of students; navigating the subcultures (academia, service and organizational culture) is challenging for faculty. Theme One reflects faculty participants' views of the diverse characteristics and roles attributed to nurses and the absence of a composite, well-articulated characterization of the culture of nursing other than by value of caring. Theme Two reflects faculty participants' perceptions of the many internal and external factors that influence the culture of nursing. Theme Three captures faculty participants' strong beliefs about what was necessary to bring students into that culture. <br>Theme Four illustrates the many cultural negotiations required daily of faculty participants as they participate in multiple, and at times conflicting subcultures within the culture of nursing. This study has implications for the preparation of nurse educators, curriculum development in nursing education, the education-practice gap, and the role of nurse educators in shaping the culture of nursing. / School of Nursing / Nursing / PhD / Dissertation

This dissertation demonstrates how changes in spatial boundaries map on to changes in the boundaries of national belonging through an ethnography of linguistic and spatial practice in a divided landscape. In Israel, as in many places around the globe, new forms of segregation have emerged in recent years, as violence and the fear of violence become increasingly bound up with the production of social difference and exclusion. In Wadi Ara, a valley in the north of the country where my fieldwork was based, segregation between Jewish and Palestinian citizens has dramatically increased since the fall of 2000, as the place of Palestinians in a Jewish state is being reconfigured. In this dissertation I focus on the changing movements and interactions of Jewish Israelis in Wadi Ara as they articulate with changes in the ways difference, belonging, and citizenship are organized on a national scale. I examine how increased hostility, fear, and distrust have become spatialized; how narratives of the past shape contemporary geographies; how competing ways of interpreting and navigating the landscape are mediated; and how particular forms of encounter are framed. My central argument is that through daily linguistic and spatial practice people in Wadi Ara do more than just make sense of shifting boundaries; they bring these boundaries into being and, in the process, they enact both self-definition and exclusion, reflecting and circumscribing the changing place of Palestinians in Israel. The dissertation is based on 19 months of fieldwork between 2002 and 2006.