Communicating archaeological findings to the public has become increasingly important in contract archeology in recent years and is now a legal requirement. Public contacts earlier meant that it was the experts, the archaeologists, who would communicate the knowledge to the public. Today, social media offers new opportunities to reach new groups and to communicate. Simultaneously the archaeologists, employed by different firms, find themselves in a new competitive situation. It may therefore be important to present the own activities in a way that strengthens the brand and to legitimize the business for the County Administration that shares the commissions, as well as for those providing the funding, the taxpayers. This paper is based on a case study on how archaeologists produce narratives on themselves, their profession and archaeology as a science on a Facebook page and on blog posts, connected to an archaeological project in the county of Östergötland in Sweden. The Facebook posts and snapshots from the blog have been reviewed and classified in an analysis of the narrative the archaeologists mediates. The study shows how building a brand is as prominent a reason for using social media as presenting the scientific findings. It is also evident that as an information source with great potential, social media could be utilized much more structured and focused.

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Survey is time-consuming and expensive. Therefore, it needs to be both effective and efficient. Some archaeologists have argued that current survey techniques are not effective (Shott 1985, 1989), but most archaeologists continue to employ these methods and therefore must believe they are effective. If our survey techniques are effective, why do simulations suggest otherwise? If they are ineffective, can we improve them? The answers to these practical questions depend on the topological characteristics of archaeological site distributions. In this study I analyze archaeological site distributions in the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, using lacunarity and fractal dimension. Fractal dimension is a parameter of fractal patterns, which are complex, space-filling designs exhibiting self-similarity and power-law scaling. Lacunarity is a statistical measure that describes the texture of a spatial dispersion. It is useful in understanding how archaeological tests should be spaced during surveys. Between these two measures, I accurately describe the regional topology and suggest new considerations for archaeological survey design. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2014. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

This research introduced a geological perspective into an archaeological setting, the Ness of Brodgar, a Middle to Late Neolithic site in the West Mainland of Orkney. Discovered in 2003, the site is located on an isthmus of land between two lochs and is equidistant between the Ring of Brodgar and the Stones of Stenness stone circles. The site consists of more than two dozen drystone buildings encircled by a massive wall. To date, ten per cent of the site has been excavated. This research established a systematic framework of protocols and procedures for the recovery, macro geological assessment and identification of the rock and mineral species in the non-tool, non-structural rocks, termed Foreign Stone for this research. Once identified, the frequency and distribution of the rock in the Foreign Stone finds were calculated, providing a geological basis for understanding any patterns of rock choice across the site. Integrated into a more conventional archaeological study of the Worked Stone artefacts was a systematic macro petrological analysis of these finds. Additionally, selected segments of the interior drystone walling were assessed to identify the rock in the various members. These petrologic analyses combined to provide insight into the range of rocks transported to and utilized within the site. Comparative analysis of the data from all three aspects, Foreign Stone, Worked stone and walling, was undertaken to identify trends in frequencies and patterns of use of the various rock species. Archival and more current information on the petrologic resources available within Orkney were synthesized in a gazetteer identifying the location(s) of rock outcrops and deposits. This permitted the source location(s) of many of the rocks from the Ness of Brodgar to be identified.

This dissertation explores contemporary lives and dynamics of the abandoned synagogues in provincial Poland. In the foreground of this study are several prewar synagogue buildings that have not been restored and adapted by the country’s heritage and tourist industries, as my central argument revolves around the special affordances and qualities that these structures preserve and sustain in their abandoned forms and becomings. The deserted synagogue in Polish towns and villages exists as an extraordinary kind of ruin, being simultaneously connected to a pre-modern past, architecture, and tradition, and the modern history of dereliction and decay. As it finds itself in this peculiar in-between zone, the abandoned synagogue of Poland has a rare ability to invoke the perception and framing of both the pre- (classical) and postindustrial (modern) ruin. I underscore the material fluidity and aesthetic dimension of these structures, by zooming in on their posthuman life and vigorous unfolding of strange new spaces, things, meanings, and sensations. The aesthetics of the abandoned synagogues are dynamic and interactive, being inextricably attached to how we encounter and sense their reality and materiality. This thesis highlights the mercurial and affective aesthetic experience of Poland’s deserted synagogues that is being formed and transformed during these immediate encounters with material spaces and things. I suggest that a re-enchantment of the synagogue takes place in the ruin, wherein non-human actors and activities (e.g. plants, animals, the weather) continually generate the wonderment, strangeness, and sacrality of these places. Hence, the abandoned synagogue is here approached and perceived as a form that I call the ruin temple: a space whose deeply flowing past and dynamism of decay and life, create a present that allures and enchants, affording a solitary, mystical, and sensuous immersion in its profound sphere of awe and wonder.

A metalsmith�s ability to turn stone into metal and mould metal into useable objects, is one of the most valuable production industries of any society. The conception of this metallurgical knowledge has been the major catalyst in the development of increasing socio-political complexity since the beginning of the Bronze Age (Childe, 1930). However, when considering the prehistory of Southeast Asia, especially Thailand, it is noted that the introduction of metallurgical activity, namely copper and bronze technology, did not engender the increase in social complexity witnessed in other regions. It is suggested that the region is anomalous in that terms and concepts developed to describe and define Bronze Ages by scholars working in other regions, lack strict analogues within Southeast Asia. Muhly (1988) has famously noted the non-compliance of Southeast Asia to previous models, "In all other corners of the Bronze Age world-China, Mesopotamia, Anatolia, the Aegean and central Europe-we find the introduction of bronze technology associated with a complex of social, political and economic developments that mark the rise of the state. Only in Southeast Asia, especially in Thailand and Vietnam, do these developments seem to be missing" (Muhly, 1988:16). This "rise of the state" is associated with the development of hierarchy, inequality, and status differentiation, evidence for which, it is argued, is most explicitly articulated in mortuary contexts (Bacus, 2006). Evidence would include an intra-site restriction in access to resources, including prestige goods, and ranking, a vertical differentiation, often related to interment wealth. Thus the introduction of metallurgical technology saw copper and other prestige goods, used to entrench authority and advertise status (Coles and Harding; 1979). Such evidence has so far been absent in Bronze Age, Southeast Asian contexts. Accordingly, the usefulness of the term "Bronze Age" for describing and defining Southeast Asian assemblages has been questioned (White, 2002). However, the Ban Non Wat discovery of wealthy Bronze Age interments, with bronze grave goods restricted to the wealthiest, has furrowed the brow of many working in the region, providing evidence to at least reconsider this stance. Despite its obvious importance in shaping Bronze Age societies around the globe, and now, significance in Northeast Thailand, very little is known of the acceptance, development, and spread of tin-bronze metallurgical techniques during the prehistory of Southeast Asia. Only a handful of investigations of archaeological sites in the region have investigated the use of metals beyond macroscopic cataloguing. Utilising an agential framework, the Ban Non Wat bronze metallurgical evidence has been investigated as an entire assemblage, from the perspective of the individual metalsmith, in order to greater understand the industry and its impact upon the society incorporating the new technology. Furthermore, mortuary data is investigated by means of wealth assessment, as an insight into social form throughout the corresponding period of adoption, development and spread of metallurgy. The bivalent study of society and technology has shed light on the development of socio-political, and economic complexity during Bronze Age Southeast Asia, and in doing so, outlined the direct impact the metalsmiths themselves had on the supply, spread and functioning of their important industry. Variabilities in grave �wealth,� have been identified at Ban Non Wat. A further situation not previously encountered in Bronze Age Southeast Asia, is the restriction of bronze goods, in death, to differentiated, wealthy individuals. The existence of such individuals suggests that society during this period was rather more complex than regional precedents would suggest. I contend that it is the introduction of metallurgy, and in particular, the nature in which it was conducted that engendered these developments. Therefore, when considering the traditional course of developing social-political complexity during the Bronze Age, it now seems that Thailand at least, is potentially, not that anomalous.

This thesis describes a systemic approach to the study of shell remains, using material from the site of Shag Point (J43/11), in North Otago. This approach analyses the relationship between sampling, identification, quantification, and site formation processes. An historical and methodological framework is used to assess the analysis of shell-bearing deposits in New Zealand, and provide innovative solutions to bias. Historical research outlines the common research methods in New Zealand, which are relevant to Shag Point. Methodological research outlines the range of potential research methods used in the study of shell-bearing deposits. Reviewing the data from Shag Point, sampling, identification, quantification, and site formation processes are used to assess the quality of data from the site. Data from coastal sites are commonly used to generate regional level syntheses. These syntheses do not deal with all of the possible sources of bias in shell-bearing deposits. Cumulative sampling is used to assess representativeness. The data from Shag Point are indicative of a representative sample. The site is compared to three other coastal southern South Island assemblages: the nearby Shag River Mouth, Pleasant River, and Pounawea. The data from Shag River Mouth may be representative; the same cannot be said for the Pleasant River and Pounawea archaeological assemblages, thus hampering regional-level syntheses.

This thesis describes investigations of archaeological materials recovered from Site ORBE2, an early-twentieth century historic site in Corvallis, OR. The archaeological materials were found only after construction workers had excavated trenches underneath the still-standing structure on the site in order to install a new foundation. Over 1500 artifacts were recovered from back-dirt piles which had been left surrounding the structure from the construction worker's excavations. The analysis of the artifacts contributes to the field of archaeology in four specific ways: 1) it performs an archaeological analysis on an early-twentieth century Euro-American site, an era upon which few previous investigations have been done. 2) it develops a history of the site, 3) it combines the results of the history and the analysis of the archaeological data from functional and chronological perspectives, determining possible past life-style information on these residents, and 4) it exhibits the utility of performing an archaeological analysis on a site where the archaeological materials were recovered from an urban renewal/construction zone, and has provenience limited to a lot or site association. / Graduation date: 1997

The Battle of Big Bend was the last significant battle of the Rogue River Indian Wars. The battle occurred 27-28 May 1856 in the Oregon Territory. The location of the battle was along the Rogue River at a place known as the Big Bend, approximately eight miles up river from the modern town of Agness, in Curry County, Oregon. The battle was fought between one reinforced Army company; Company "C", 1st Dragoons, and a large group of Indians from many different bands. Captain Andrew Jackson Smith was the commanding officer of Company "C" during the battle, and Chief John, a member of the Dakubetede Indian band, lead all the warriors. After the first few hours of fighting, the soldiers had suffered so many casualties that they could not break out of their surrounded position without abandoning their dead and wounded. But on the other hand, the soldiers had established their defensive position on a ridge line which provided them a strong tactical advantage which the Indians could not overcome in spite of their early battle success. After thirty hours of combat, Company "G", 1st Infantry, under the command of Captain Christopher C. Augur, came to the aid of the surrounded soldiers. When Company "G" entered the fight, the Indian warriors elected to quit fighting, and under moderate pressure moved off the field of battle into the surrounding mountains. The purpose of this research was to definitively identify the location of the defensive position used by Company "C", and perform data recovery for the Forest Service using archaeological field methods. The field strategy relied heavily on metal detectors to locate battle related artifacts over the battle area. Using data collected during fieldwork, and correlating it to primary reference sources and materials, the battle position of Company "C" was located for the United States Forest Service. / Graduation date: 1998

Thesis (Ph. D. in Anthropology)--Vanderbilt University, May 2007. / Title from title screen. Includes bibliographical references.