A inserção internacional de Moçambique é um processo que ocorreu em fases, tendo se iniciado com os esforços empreendidos na década de 1960 pelo Dr. Eduardo Chivambo Mondlane, Primeiro Presidente da Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (FRELIMO). Visando criar o isolamento internacional do regime colonial Português e obter o apoio necessário para a causa da independência de Moçambique, Mondlane estabeleceu contatos com governos de vários Estados do mundo incluindo países ocidentais, países progressistas africanos e países socialistas, projetando, deste modo, a imagem de Moçambique no mundo. Iniciada com as decisões tomadas no Segundo Congresso da FRELIMO realizado em 1968, a política externa de Moçambique tinha em vista “criar mais amigos e poucos inimigos”, num contexto de bipolaridade ideológica que caracterizava a guerra-fria. O novo contexto internacional emergente no período após o fim da guerra-fria viria a originar uma redefiniçao desta política que passou a ser definida como de “criar mais amigos e mais parceiras”. A nível da região da África Austral a FRELIMO considerou sempre que a independência de Moçambique só seria completa com a libertação de todos os países da região que ainda se encontravam sob a dominação de regimes coloniais e minoritários tendo dado o seu apoio incondicional à luta de libertação do Zimbábue, África do Sul e Namíbia, para além do seu grande empenho no processo de cooperação e integração regional. É neste contexto que se pode enquadrar esta tese cujo tema é “a política externa de Moçambique e sua inserção na região da África Austral” a qual procura, através de uma vasta revisão bibliográfica, analisar os contornos que estiveram à volta da afirmação de Moçambique como Estado reconhecido no concerto das nações tanto a nível regional como internacional. / The international insertion of Mozambique is a process that took place in phases, starting with the efforts made in the 1960s by Dr. Eduardo Chivambo Mondlane, First President of the Liberation Front of Mozambique (FRELIMO). In order to create the international isolation of the Portuguese colonial regime and obtain the necessary support for the cause of Mozambique's independence, Mondlane established contacts with governments in several states of the world including Western countries, progressive African countries and socialist countries, thus projecting the image of Mozambique in the world. Initiated by the decisions taken at the Second FRELIMO’s Congress held in 1968, Mozambique's foreign policy aimed to "create more friends and few enemies" in a context of ideological bipolarity that characterized the Cold War. The new emerging international context in the period after the end of the Cold War would lead to a redefinition of this policy, which was defined as "creating more friends and more partners". At the level of the southern African region FRELIMO always considered that Mozambique's independence would only be complete with the liberation of all the countries of the region that were still under the domination of colonial and minority regimes and gave its unconditional support to the liberation struggle in Zimbabwe, South Africa and Namibia, in addition to its strong commitment to regional cooperation and integration. It is in this context that one can frame this thesis whose theme is "the foreign policy of Mozambique and its insertion in the region of Southern Africa" which seeks, through a vast bibliographical review, to analyze the contours that were around the affirmation of Mozambique as State recognized in the concert of nations at both regional and international levels.

Thesis (M. A. (International Politics)) --University of Limpopo, 2017 / Many Western and Central African countries were colonised by France from the early 17th century until the early 1960s. However, Africa has continued to be the private hunting ground for France in the post-independence period. This is because France still needs African resources, particularly its oil. In fact, Africa holds a strategic position for French foreign policy. Therefore, when France gave independence to its African colonies, it did not really mean it was completely disengaging from Africa. In essence, a package was imposed on Francophone African countries which tied them to the revitalised African states to preserve French colonial status. Moreover, France‟s heavy involvement in African countries has earned it a perception of being a police officer of the continent. Within this premise, due to protracted conflicts in French African countries, Francophone Africans bank their hope on France to assist in offering just and lasting solutions to the complex challenges facing their countries. This should be understood within the context that France maintained a significant colonial empire in the continent for almost a century and a half. Nevertheless, France attempts to uphold hegemonic foothold in Francophone Africa through political, economic and cultural connections while the security of Africans is threatened. With this in mind, this study critiques the French foreign policy towards Africa and it uses Ivory Coast and Central African Republic as case studies. These two countries are chosen given their recent conflicts and their assistance in critiquing the French position in African complex challenges. This study also adopted the use of document review and interviews to generate data.

The 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq was a foreign policy action that violated international law, was based on false premises, and came to represent a clear and costly political disaster for the United States and Iraq. Why then, did none of the top policymakers responsible for the decision to invade face meaningful consequences – be they professional consequences, or legal ones? Why too have so many of the media figures who helped sell this war to the American public remained in their prestigious positions, with massive platforms to influence the American people? This paper argues that the above groups, referred to as the foreign policy elite or foreign policy establishment, are granted a general impunity for their actions. It seeks to explain this condition of elite impunity, and how it operates, through Robert Putnam’s theory of “elite integration.” It also examines the role of congressional marginalization and public disengagement in enabling the foreign policy elite to escape accountability. The subsequent chapters offer case studies of how each of these factors has helped advance and preserve the careers of two prominent members of the foreign policy elite, Elliott Abrams and Henry Kissinger. Finally, the conclusion explores further questions on the matter of elite impunity, and offers some basic steps towards creating a more accountable foreign policy elite.

National identity provides the interpretive framework through which foreign policy makers understand their role in the world and the actions of other states, and can also be utilized as a tool to mobilize public support behind foreign policy maneuvers. Foreign policy in turn is both shaped by constructions of national identity, and often used to forge and substantiate the narratives of national identity which best serve the regime’s domestic interests. This thesis will seek to establish the mutually constitutive relationship between national identity and foreign policy through an analysis of the interaction of these elements in the Russian Federation under President Vladimir Putin. Russian national identity will be considered in its formation with respect to the Historical, Internal, and External ‘Others’ in post-Soviet discourse originally identified by the constructivist analysis of Ted Hopf, with particular emphasis on the evolution of identity narratives disseminated from the Kremlin.

After the weakening of Turkish-Armenian relations and intensive American missionary activities, Armenians began to leave their homelands for educational, economic and political reasons. Emigration to the United States intensified in particular in response to the 1915 Techir (Relocation and Resettlement) Law. After achieving political rights in the United States, Armenian immigrants formed groups that began trying to influence U.S. government policy, working to win recognition of the alleged Armenian Genocide, financial assistance for Armenia, and other policies favorable to Armenia. The process that began resolution the alleged Armenia Genocide was removed from the historical dimension and moved to the political dimension and an international policy instrument was created. In the United States, the Armenian Diaspora strives to influence government policy systematically through diaspora organizations that carefully follow the international scene and advocate for United States foreign policies in favor of Armenia. In this study, the ultimate aims of the Armenia Diaspora over American politics and policy-making, and the activities of the Armenian Lobby will be examined.

Over the past thirteen years the United States has used military force against three different Muslim-majority nations. These conflicts have lead to the deaths of many Muslims, including many innocent civilians. Meanwhile, American Muslims have become conflicted about their identities as Muslims and Americans. However, this does not mean that they have become a fifth column within America. What it does mean is that they have felt anguish regarding the torment of their religious brethren, while at the same time retaining their American identity. Post-9/11, Muslim American groups have acknowledged their place in the racial ordering of America. Muslim Americans understand that they are second rate citizens within their own country.

From the middle of the 1970s, an increasing amount of scholarly analysis centred around the concept of leadership in international relations at a time when US post-Second World War leadership began to decline. As a major beneficiary of this decline, Japan assumed the mantle of a replacement in the burgeoning field devoted to the study of changes in the international political economy. A major problem became the way in which the study of leadership in international relations became hostage to the singular example of the United States. The conflation between leadership on the one hand, with US interests and responsibilities on the other, rendered much of the analysis flawed. The growing disparities between the supply of international public goods and narrowly conceived US foreign policy interests undermined the overall study of international leadership. Japan, as the country during the 1980s perceived most likely to supplant the US as the largest and most influential capitalist economy, became the centre of interest in this field. This thesis seeks to more comprehensively measure and analyse Japanese leadership in a more contextual and thorough means through the comparative use of case studies between 1960 and 2000. Through noting the differences in country and regional reactions to Japanese foreign policy, this study demonstrates that leadership perceptions are more often than not driven by national self interest rather than an ideal type of responsible leadership.

Cold War Soviet foreign policy was driven by a strategic competition. A competition-detente cycle based on the superpower rivalry between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, including the Warsaw Pact dependencies, and the United States of America and its respective alliance, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) existed for over forty-five years. Following the dismantling of the Warsaw Pact and the implosion of the USSR, remnant Soviet and subsequent Russian foreign policy, changed dramatically. Though some fragmentary Soviet style vertical controls of the foreign policy of the transitional Gorbachev years and the first years of Yeltsin's first administration were recognizable, their respective foreign relations operated on the defensive realities of a splintered empire in every conceivable manner. This dissertation will track and analyze each president's foreign policy goals within the dependent variables of social, economic and political influences of post Cold War realities. In an absolute sense, each president formulated Russian foreign policy based on domestic considerations. This fact constitutes the independent variable in this analysis. From the bellicosity of the Cold War through the opposition of Russia to America's unilateralist approach to the second Iraqi war, Russia attempted to return as a major player in international relations as a whole and as an interlocutor with the United States in a strategic sense. This engagement has produced the gambit of political polemics, from the strident Soviet "launch on warning" correlation of forces fighting doctrine to the interactive and more personal political good will venue between Bush and Putin. It is this "push-pull" political history that prompts the primary research question: Is the present Russian strategic relationship with the post 9.11 United States the beginning of a new and unique post Cold War international relationship or is it simply a continuation of the familiar confrontation-detente cycle historically endemic to Russian-American relations? Has the American occupation of Iraq, a perennial Russian client state, derailed the post 9.11 accommodation between the two countries?

Die Globalisierung Russlands wird durch Rohstoffexporte und hohe Investitionen des Westens in den russischen Energiesektor vorangetrieben. Gleichzeitig festigt sich ein hybrides politisches System mit sowohl autoritären als auch demokratischen Elementen. Soll Russland ein zuverlässlicher Partner des Westens bleiben, müssen die russischen Interessen sowie die neue außenpolitische Stärke berücksichtigt werden.

Deutschland braucht eine neue außenpolitische Kultur! Hierfür plädierte eine junge Gruppe aus dem "Tönissteiner Kreis" 2010 in der Frühjahrsausgabe von WeltTrends und forderte eine klare Formulierung deutscher Interessen. Die angestoßene Debatte stieß auf große Resonanz und wurde von jungen Akademikern aufgenommen, die sich nicht scheuten, eigene Anregungen für die deutsche Außenpolitik zu formulieren und zentrale Thesen des Plädoyers in Frage zu stellen: Worin bestand das Neue, worin das Deutsche an der Forderung nach einer Interessendefinition? Das Papier gibt die lebhafte Debatte des außenpolitischen Nachwuchses wieder, die 2010 innerhalb wie außerhalb der Zeitschrift geführt wurde.