Thesis advisor: Eve Spangler / United States foreign policy must balance national interests with international obligations, including a commitment to human rights. Genocide represents an enormous violation of human rights but also a significant challenge to the formulation of United States foreign policies. The word genocide was created to encompass the multi-layered characteristics of the systematic and intentional nature of mass human destruction. Though the US has vowed to prevent and stop genocide from occurring, its actions do not indicate so. In Turkey the US failed to defend Armenians, using political principles to justify the decision. Association between the Holocaust and genocide has limited US recognition and action in other situations. Various methods were employed in response to genocide in Rwanda in order to avoid an obligation to action. Emphasizing the people and the society which they compose, the United States must not focus on a strict definition of genocide but must broaden its comprehension beyond technicalities in order to responsibly recognize and respond to genocide, and in doing so capture the intended comprehension of the word. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2008. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History. / Discipline: Sociology. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

International conflicts are becoming more complex. Many involve multiple intra-state parties with multiple and at times opposing interests. With increasing globalization and the resulting growth in connectivity, the United States and other Western nations will likely find themselves increasingly involved in these conflicts. Recent history has shown that the ‘military option’ is not as effective as previously thought in dealing with inter-state conflicts. Thus, studies that explore other options in the management and resolution of these conflicts are critical. This thesis will explore and analyze the option of a systems theory based model as a model for conflict resolution by specifically analyzing the use of such a model in the present conflict in Yemen.

The success of Chinese foreign policy since 1949 can be demonstrated empirically in terms of core national interests defined by the realist international relations perspective: state sovereignty, territorial integrity, and socioeconomic development. Influential realist writers, however, fail to consistently identify or explain the success of Chinese foreign policy, despite the work of area specialists who suggest that Chinese foreign policy displays consistent and effective, strategic patterns of force. Strategic thought arises from culturally differing ontological, epistemological and methodological assumptions, as modified within specific historical conditions. Using the theoretical approach of comparative strategic culture, an abstract conceptual framework is developed for philosophical analysis of western and Chinese strategic culture. Classical and contemporary western realist-strategic paradigms coexist in theoretical and practical tension, resulting in a western strategic ethnocentrism which explains realist failure to recognize Chinese strategic patterns in foreign policy. Chinese philosophical assumptions, reinforced in linguistic structure, create a culturally paradigmatic approach to strategic thought, modified by the modern historical context of civil/national wars and state-building. The modern Chinese strategic paradigm of protracted war is characterized by the mutually constitutive relationship between the military and political dimensions of force, and by a cumulative, discontinuous pattern of foreign policy and state-building, in which force is created, stored, and applied over space and time. / Graduate

Thesis advisor: Donald Hafner / This thesis is aimed at determining an efficient American foreign policy for resolving the current North Korean nuclear crisis. It examines the current nuclear proliferation debate; the specifics of the North Korean case; the past successes and failures of American foreign policy towards North Korea; several key policy issues; and, finally, lays out a plan for American foreign policy to follow. This thesis is intended to develop a peaceful and permanent resolution to the crisis. / Thesis (BS) — Boston College, 2004. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

This work is an analysis of Russian President Boris Yeltsin's decision-making process in the context of both foreign and domestic policy crises. The timeframe selected encompasses July 1998, as the Russian economy faltered and headed to eventual currency devaluation through June 1999, when NATO's air campaign in Kosovo ended through mediation proposed by Yeltsin and negotiated in part by his former prime minister, Viktor Chernomyrdin. The framework of this study is centered on Robert D. Putnam's "two-level game" model, and the focus on Yeltsin as leader and decision maker follows work in International Relations theory by Snyder, Bruck, and Sapin, Valerie Hudson, James D. Fearon, and Margaret Hermann among others. Yeltsin's personality, as well as the particulars of his biography, specifically involving the status of his health, contribute to the atmosphere in which Yeltsin made decisions, and therefore are important elements of the study. The Russian-U.S. relationship, which forms a foundational base to the crises and their resolution during this timeframe, also displays a high degree of personalization and figures prominently in the work. In describing the crisis situations in which Yeltsin's decisions evolved, this study also provides insight into Yeltsin's perceptions (or misperceptions) of the environment in which he operated. This includes his focus on the revanchist element in the parliament and his evaluation of the importance of the interpersonal relationships he had developed over the years with other state leaders. Yeltsin's view of the Russian state, as well as his goals for Russia, both domestically, in the form of the transition to a market economy, and in foreign policy, in the form of greater acceptance and cooperation with western states, also constitutes an integral part of this study.

As many scholars have noted, in the immediate years after the First World War, the British Empire faced important challenges to its future survival, not least of which was the growth of three key movements: Bolshevism, Islamism and nationalism. This thesis examines how Britain coped with these problems, by exploring the internal government debates regarding foreign policy formulation towards South Asia, specifically in the countries of Persia and Afghanistan. It is the contention of this work that the current literature on this subject suffers from certain flaws, the first being that not enough writers have discussed the interrelation of these three movements. Secondly, there has been a lack of focus on how officials in London and in Delhi thought quite differently on the issue of Britain’s foreign policy in South Asia after 1918. This thesis will address these, and other, gaps in the literature. It will contend that there were those within the Home government who displayed a particular mode of thought – a ‘Great Game mentality’ – towards this region. This mentality was influenced by the legacy of the earlier, 19th-century rivalry between Britain and Russia, and resulted in a tendency to over-emphasise the threat of Russian Bolshevism to Britain’s imperial interests in South Asia, whilst at the same time under-emphasising the threat of nationalism and pan-Islamism across Persia, Afghanistan and India. When the Indian government questioned this Great Game mentality, it was largely ignored and frequently maligned. The work will demonstrate how those of the Great Game mind-set dominated the creation of Britain’s policy towards Persia, Afghanistan and adjoining regions in 1918 and 1919, how events of 1920 and 1921 forced London to reassess this Great Game thinking, and how (by 1922 and 1923) this re-evaluation had developed into re-formulation of British foreign policy in South Asia.

The puzzle that drives this study is why Thailand pursued a proactive foreign policy towards greater powers during the Second World War. The main literature on Thai foreign policy-making generally suggests that Thailand is traditionally passive vis-à-vis greater powers. Oftentimes, it is believed that the fate of Thailand is subjected to the dictate of great powers. The empirical cases of Thailand during the Second World War suggest otherwise. How could a conventional understanding of Thai foreign policy make sense of Thailand’s war against France in 1940-41? Similarly, how could one understand Thailand’s defiant behaviours vis-à-vis Japan in 1941-44 despite the latter’s greater military capabilities and influence? This thesis employs the approaches of ontological security and status concern to interpret Thai proactive behaviours during the wartime period. It argues that concerns for status and recognition from the great powers were the primary motivations of Thailand’s proactive behaviours. In order to discern material and ideational motives of the Thai foreign policy-makers, this research heavily relies on archival research and utilises documents which were formerly considered to be classified. This methodological quest is to establish and enhance the credibility of the argument presented in the study.

A presente dissertação visa compreender a relação das políticas públicas com o desenvolvimento do setor sucroenergético, tendo em vista as exigências da comunidade internacional em relação à produção de combustíveis sustentáveis sob a ótica do mercado globalizado. Partimos da análise das políticas públicas para agricultura, energia e meio ambiente e da política externa brasileira para os biocombustíveis nos governos Fernando Collor de Mello, Itamar Franco, Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Luís Inácio Lula da Silva. Após isso, analisamos as políticas públicas ambientais e de ordenamento territorial através da compreensão dos três zoneamentos existentes para o setor sucroenergético, com um recorte no estado de São Paulo. Finalmente, discutimos os acordos internacionais para o setor de biocombustíveis. / This work aims to understand the relationship between public policy and the development of sugarcane industry, in view of the international communitys regarding sustainable production of fuels from the perspective of the global market. First, we analyze the public policies for agriculture, energy and environment and foreign policy for biofuels in Brazilian government of Fernando Collor de Mello, Itamar Franco, Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Luís Inácio Lula da Silva. After that, we analyze the public policy for environmental and the land use planning, through the understanding of the three existing zoning for the sugarcane industry, with an indentation in the state of Sao Paulo. Finally, we discuss the international agreements for the biofuels sector.

This thesis aims to address a key and understudied element of Turkish foreign-policy under the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP): the civil-society factor. It answers the question: How has foreign-policy and diplomacy changed in this era due to the domestic dynamics, exploring how Turkey's image and global standing is dependent on the legitimacy and activism of non-state actors. The central aim being to understand how the interests, identity and practices of civil-society organizations (CSOs) have changed modes and channels of engagement with the Middle East: with Turkey increasingly deploying economic, humanitarian and cultural diplomacy in their relations with the region. The theoretical focus provides an alternative perspective on foreign-policy from a societal and ideational perspective. The empirical focus examines the development of civil-society in Turkey alongside the trajectory of changing foreign relations with the Middle East. This thesis highlights the variation in CSOs in terms of their relationship with the government: the type of interaction based on a number of variables such as autonomy from the government, the democratization process, the security environment and openings in the political space. By analysing the patterns of interaction and influence of CSOs, this dissertation contributes to the literature on civil-society influence and literature on Turkish foreign-policy (TFP). This thesis aims to contribute to growing research on civil-society's role in Turkey, however within the specific and understudied context of Middle East relations. It choses civil-society as the main unit of analysis in what is acknowledged to be a complex and multifaceted policy environment. However, as will be discussed throughout this thesis in relation to strong elements of continuity in TFP, the emergence of normative discourses, social, economic and political ties at the level of civil-society is one of the most distinct changes of the AKP era. Turkey's engagement with the Middle East has been shaped, and channelled through these actors, legitimized to the public and the international community. This renders the behaviour of Turkish CSOs even more significant to international relations, with Turkey's pre-2013 image as a regional mediator, humanitarian diplomat and soft-power contingent on these actors.

The first part of the thesis is focused on internal development of an independent Indonesia, the transition from colonialism to the present day democratic arrangement. Furthermore, the mapping of modern Indonesian history in time and space dimensions , and comparatively across cultures and civilization of the population practices the Indonesian archipelago and then indirect and Southeast Asia. Part of this development are separatist tendencies of East Timor , West New Guinea and the Tamil Tigers , Aceh. The second part of this work will deal with foreign policy and relations with other countries in the world . Changes in orientation and cooperation between Indonesia, various regimes ruling in the history of independent Indonesia. Participation and influence in international organizations, both regional and global character, but also about the relationship between Indonesia and the Czech Republic.