Possessing a vision to correct problems is an area of interest for leadership and political studies, as presumably vision provides the goal to orient upon and overcome problems, and should apply at all levels of leadership. The worsening situation in Syria since the end of the Cold War begs the questions of whether any recent U.S. President tried to address the issues in the relationship with Syria, and what was the vision the President sought to achieve. This study reviews Presidential rhetoric from President's News Conferences, major speeches and Executive Orders for a vision to ascertain the intended direction for U.S. policy for Syria. Also, the study reviews the leadership styles of the five Presidents for consistency and effectiveness in conveying a foreign policy message. Broadly, the study concludes that the Presidents need more than a strategy to engage other nation to fix problems. They need an achievable outcome to aim the U.S. government towards and to effectively broadcast their vision to a broad audience. It takes an appreciation for history, realistic expectations and an eye for the future to form a vision for a coherent way forward. Unfortunately, the Presidents in this study did not give the appropriate time or resources to correct the pervasive problems in Syria. Their overall policies ranged from incoherent to stagnant, therefore hampering the U.S. ability to guide progress fixing the situation. / Master of Arts / The pervasive problems within Syria are some of the more important U.S. foreign policy issues that require guidance and direction to overcome. The worsening situation in Syria since the end of the Cold War begs the questions of whether any recent U.S. President tried to address the issues in the relationship with Syria. Broadly, the study concludes that it takes more than a strategy to engage another nation and fix problems. It takes an appreciation for history, realistic expectations and an eye for the future to form a vision for a coherent way forward. Additionally, Presidents require the ability to effectively communicate their vision to a broad audience. Unfortunately, it appears the Presidents in this study did not give the appropriate time or resources to correct the problems, and therefore hampered the U.S. President’s ability to guide progress to fix the situation.

Buscando-se comparar a política externa dos dois últimos governos do Brasil, trabalhamos com as hipóteses de que houve redução de esforços, causadas pelo perfil da atual presidente, menos tendente a abordar assuntos internacionais, e pela conjuntura internacional de crise econômica, que restringe a margem de ação externa do Brasil. Para verificar essas hipóteses, comparam-se as características da política externa de ambos os governos – por meio da avaliação de variáveis como viagens presidenciais e expansão do Ministério das Relações Exteriores –, contrapondo os dados às perspectivas já disponíveis de analistas da área. Para explicar as mudanças constatadas, utiliza-se o modelo de análise de política externa de Hermann, que prevê a consideração dos perfis dos líderes, das conjunturas internacionais durante cada período e de outras variáveis capazes de influenciar a política externa do país. A conclusão aponta para a verificação das hipóteses e para a importância da continuidade do estudo. / Attempting to compare the foreign policy from the two past Brazilian presidencies, we develop the hypothesis that there has been a withdraw of efforts, caused by the profile of the current president, less willing to approach international affairs, and by the international context of economic crisis, that restrain the margin of action of Brazil. To verify these hypothesis, characteristics of the foreign policy of both governments are compared - through the evaluation of variables such as presidential travels and expansion of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs -, comparing collected data to already available perspectives of analysts from the area. To explain the changes we identify, we use the model of foreign policy analysis developed by Hermann, which considers the profile of leaders, the international conjuncture during each period and other variables capable of influencing the national foreign policy. The conclusion stresses the verification of the hypothesis and the importance of new researches on the theme.

Buscando-se comparar a política externa dos dois últimos governos do Brasil, trabalhamos com as hipóteses de que houve redução de esforços, causadas pelo perfil da atual presidente, menos tendente a abordar assuntos internacionais, e pela conjuntura internacional de crise econômica, que restringe a margem de ação externa do Brasil. Para verificar essas hipóteses, comparam-se as características da política externa de ambos os governos – por meio da avaliação de variáveis como viagens presidenciais e expansão do Ministério das Relações Exteriores –, contrapondo os dados às perspectivas já disponíveis de analistas da área. Para explicar as mudanças constatadas, utiliza-se o modelo de análise de política externa de Hermann, que prevê a consideração dos perfis dos líderes, das conjunturas internacionais durante cada período e de outras variáveis capazes de influenciar a política externa do país. A conclusão aponta para a verificação das hipóteses e para a importância da continuidade do estudo. / Attempting to compare the foreign policy from the two past Brazilian presidencies, we develop the hypothesis that there has been a withdraw of efforts, caused by the profile of the current president, less willing to approach international affairs, and by the international context of economic crisis, that restrain the margin of action of Brazil. To verify these hypothesis, characteristics of the foreign policy of both governments are compared - through the evaluation of variables such as presidential travels and expansion of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs -, comparing collected data to already available perspectives of analysts from the area. To explain the changes we identify, we use the model of foreign policy analysis developed by Hermann, which considers the profile of leaders, the international conjuncture during each period and other variables capable of influencing the national foreign policy. The conclusion stresses the verification of the hypothesis and the importance of new researches on the theme.

Buscando-se comparar a política externa dos dois últimos governos do Brasil, trabalhamos com as hipóteses de que houve redução de esforços, causadas pelo perfil da atual presidente, menos tendente a abordar assuntos internacionais, e pela conjuntura internacional de crise econômica, que restringe a margem de ação externa do Brasil. Para verificar essas hipóteses, comparam-se as características da política externa de ambos os governos – por meio da avaliação de variáveis como viagens presidenciais e expansão do Ministério das Relações Exteriores –, contrapondo os dados às perspectivas já disponíveis de analistas da área. Para explicar as mudanças constatadas, utiliza-se o modelo de análise de política externa de Hermann, que prevê a consideração dos perfis dos líderes, das conjunturas internacionais durante cada período e de outras variáveis capazes de influenciar a política externa do país. A conclusão aponta para a verificação das hipóteses e para a importância da continuidade do estudo. / Attempting to compare the foreign policy from the two past Brazilian presidencies, we develop the hypothesis that there has been a withdraw of efforts, caused by the profile of the current president, less willing to approach international affairs, and by the international context of economic crisis, that restrain the margin of action of Brazil. To verify these hypothesis, characteristics of the foreign policy of both governments are compared - through the evaluation of variables such as presidential travels and expansion of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs -, comparing collected data to already available perspectives of analysts from the area. To explain the changes we identify, we use the model of foreign policy analysis developed by Hermann, which considers the profile of leaders, the international conjuncture during each period and other variables capable of influencing the national foreign policy. The conclusion stresses the verification of the hypothesis and the importance of new researches on the theme.

This study offers an alternative analysis of the current literature regarding foreign involvement in the Syria civil war. The initials briefly describe the current situation in Syria, international relations and why the conflict is interesting to analyse from a scientific standpoint. The relevant actors and theoretical construction are also introduced. In the previous research chapter, the current research is presented concerning the global superpowers as well as the interventions that have taken place in Syria. In the theory chapter realism and liberalism are presented, and a number of important factors are discussed. In the result, the decisions and events that have taken place during the conflict in Syria is analysed through the lens of previous named theories. The actors studied are the USA and Russia. There are both realistic and liberalist elements in the decisions made by the actors. The final part of the essay discusses the result. The underlying interest of the players largely determines which decision is ultimately taken. Moreover, there are underlying tones of realism even in clearly liberalistic decisions.

The principal aims of the research are to identify the nature and scope of Turkish foreign policy change towards Iran in the period 2002-2012 - the first ten years of the successive governments of the Justice and Development Party (AKP). Then, individual sources of foreign policy change and their respective roles in shaping Turkish foreign policy toward Iran will be investigated. As the research is theoretically grounded in the subfield of foreign policy analysis known as foreign policy change, the reader is familiarized with a variety of different models used in the study of foreign policy change. In order to assess the relevance of the individual sources, an alternative explanatory model is designed. The application of the designed foreign policy model highlights the necessity of applying a wider approach in the quest to assess Turkish foreign policy change, taking into account the different domestic and international sources in order to achieve a comprehensive explanation that can evaluate the relative power of international and domestic political, economic, and ideational sources serving as its driving mechanisms. The role of economic factors - long seen as fundamental in shaping Turkey's foreign policy toward its neighbors - and the role of security concerns are subsequently identified as...

This thesis studies attempts by Arab Gulf states to effectively lobby the US government. It explores aspects of their lobbying behaviour in order to identify the factors that lead to success and those that lead to failure from their lobbying endeavours. In this respect, the research utilizes two case studies: one in which Arab Gulf state lobbying was successful, and another in which lobbying failed. For each case study, the different elements involved in lobbying are analyzed and factors that lead to success as well as to failure are inferred. In tandem with an analysis of the strategies—or lack of them—behind Arab Gulf states’ lobbying, the research examines additional relevant factors such as the organization and activism of the US Arab American community, the strategic value of the Arab Gulf to the US, and the negative image of Arabs in America. The research then considers the hurdles and obstacles facing the establishment of an effective Arab Gulf lobby in the US. As a conclusion, the research evaluates the prospects of an effective Arab Gulf lobby, and highlights the research areas that should be tackled in the future.

The focus of this thesis is the establishment and evolution of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). Furthermore, analyzing the U.S. relations with the GCC multilaterally and the Gulf States bilaterally. The final phase is to analyze the prospects of future relations between the U.S. and GCC collectively and individually.

Foreign policy making often involves the balancing of priorities and tradeoffs. U.S. foreign policy to Central Asia has changed over time, in response to regional concerns and domestic priorities. This study examines U.S. foreign policy motivations in Central Asia, the limitations and counterweights in the region, and the results of U.S. foreign policy to the region. Security, energy, and democracy building are the primary areas of U.S. interest in the region, with security having taken precedence in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks. In a complex region, surrounded by many interested international players, poorly calibrated U.S. policy and balancing of policy interests resulted in the souring of relations between the U.S. and Central Asian countries. Many have charged that bungled policy and the reentrance of large neighbors Russia and China resulted in a turning point that led to a large and costly decline in U.S. influence. Did the U.S. lose Central Asia? Was it inevitable that Central Asia’s neighbors would reemerge as primary influences? This study assesses mismanagement of U.S. foreign policy interests, the interests and policies of Russia and China in the region, the future outlook of U.S. policy, and possibilities for cooperation between the U.S. and neighboring superpowers in the region. / text

Russian foreign policy from the mid-1960s has vacillated between periods of expansion and retrenchment in which the military and diplomatic reach of the state has extended to continents or been retracted to very modest conceptions of national defense. During this period, the financial centrality of energy exports has come to dominate the Russian economy, leading scholars and observers to draw a causal link between the two: as energy revenues go up, expansionism does as well, while declines in revenues lead Russia to behave less assertively. This dissertation outlines an alternative argument for petrostate foreign policy in which positive or negative revenue environments determine the menu of policy options available to policymakers, but that internal politics determine the content of those foreign policy choices. I argue that foreign policy choices are conditional on the mediating political institutions and circumstances existing at the time of booms and busts, namely that how energy revenue shocks affect foreign policy decision-making in a petrostate after a revenue shock depends on the political environment before the shock. The petropolitics foreign policy theory thus provides insight as to when the expansionism might occur. By focusing on revenue yet allowing politicians to retain agency, this “petropolitics” foreign policy theory links structural theories of foreign policy to leadership-driven models of political decision-making. This petropolitics theory then reassesses Russian foreign policy by analyzing leadership tenures from Leonid Brezhnev to Vladimir Putin. I show that Soviet expansionism in the Third World in the 1970s was not simply because of a positive revenue shock, but because of Brezhnev’s political weakness after his installation in a palace coup. Similarly, I show that Mikhail Gorbachev’s retrenchment of foreign policy commitments arose not solely from a lack of energy revenues, but from his political strength in light of the poor performance of his predecessors. Finally, I show that Vladimir Putin’s selective expansionism and retrenchment emerges in a skillful consolidation of domestic political strength, a fortuitous influx of energy revenues, and a willingness to change foreign policy strategies to serve a single preference of maintaining power. / text