Syftet med denna studie är att studera pedagogers styrningsstrategier i förhållande till barns lek. Vår ambition med studien var att problematisera de styrningsstrategier som framkom i en förskolas praktik. Forskningsfrågorna som låg till grund för studien var: Vilka styrningsstrategier i relation till barns lek är framträdande i en förskolas praktik? Hur kan pedagogers styrningsstrategier problematiseras utifrån barns lek? För att uppnå syftet och besvara forskningsfrågorna valde vi att göra ett strategiskt urval gällande studiens omfattning och antal deltagande. Undersökningen genomfördes på en förskola vid flera tillfällen genom videodokumentation. Det insamlade materialet analyserades och delades in i teman utifrån pedagogernas styrningsstrategier. Teorigenomgången som var till underlag för analysen belyser Michel Foucaults teorier om Governmentality som i stora drag innefattar alla maktprocesser i exempelvis skolan. I resultatet framkom det i de olika sekvenserna att det förekom styrningsstrategier i förskolans praktik på olika sätt. Huvudresultatet av vår studie var att pedagogernas styrningsstrategier verkade både explicit/ implicit, medvetet/ omedvetet och motiverat/ omotiverat. Eftersom det från pedagogernas håll många gånger är ofrånkomligt att påverka barnen och därmed styra deras handlingar i leken, så kom vi även fram till att styrningsstrategierna kan ses som en form av mild maktutövning, eftersom styrningen i det dokumenterade resultatet sker via subtila metoder, såsom blickar, närvaro etcetera. Oavsett i vilken riktning pedagogers handlande styr barns lek är styrningsstrategierna viktiga att få syn på, uppmärksamma och problematisera eftersom de påverkar barns lek och därmed deras utveckling. De situationer vi uppmärksammat och analyserat kan fungera som inspiration för andra pedagoger som vill arbeta självreflekterande och anta ett medvetet förhållningssätt.

The purpose of this study is to investigate how processes of subjectification constitute the empowered citizen/patient in the discourses on smart cities. Descriptions of smartphone apps which use environmental sensor data are analysed through discourse analytic approach to governmentality. More specifically the thesis investigates the empowered citizen in relation to responsibilisation and relations to knowledge and power. The study finds that the citizen-subject is responsibilised and the relations knowledge are reformulated and redistribute responsibility. Data and the derived knowledge is represented as a form of empowerment. The citizen-subject is constituted as a manager of their own health, and a catalysts for changing the environment. Emphasising the importance of data and putting the user at the heart of data collecting further contributes to the responsibilisation. However, as the information from the data streams is transferable it also redistributes responsibility in the network of individuals who have access to it. The way of knowing the self and the environment is augmented to include a codified interface, which conditions the relationship. A distributed network of sensors allows the citizen-subject is able to simultaneously read the environment in multiple locations. Relations in knowledge production are also found to be altered.

The purpose of this discourse analysis of health promotion and healing practices was to describe their functioning historically through practices of governance and risk in the context of neoliberal society. The results portray a constructed subjectivity (identity) among citizens and residents of contemporary society who enact expected health promotion and healing behaviors.Two series of texts were analyzed from a Foucauldian perspective: the Healthy People series from the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services; and the series on Uninsurance published by the Institute of Medicine. The findings generated five themes that comprise the reality of current illness care system rationalities:First, the U.S. illness care system, functioning through technology of insurance or wealth extraction, is dysfunctional as a comprehensive illness care delivery system.Second, health promotion and healing have been subsumed under illness care--if they are addressed it is only as discrete indices that comprise compliance monitoring.Third, micro determinants of health (such as behavioral patterns, genetic predispositions, social circumstances, shortfalls in medical care, and environmental exposures), while important, continue to be the single focus of illness care in the U.S. Conversely, macro determinants of health, contingent on macro-level economic and political structures, remain unrecognized as having any bearing on health outcomes. Macro determinants of health frame the configuration of the social infrastructure in which micro determinants of health unfold.Fourth, neoliberal ideology in the U.S. continues to be the status quo for illness care.Fifth, constructed health promotion and healing identity for individuals is one of health anomie, a new prudentialism where access to health promotion and healing has to be acquired from outside the venue of illness care.How can we become different from what we have become? While acknowledging the limitations inherent in this current discourse of heath promotion and healing, other alternatives must be explored for betterment of human health and wellbeing--such as a shift toward "care of the self" or "self care" that encompasses an embodiment of an arché health, a health that moves beyond contemporary illness discourses of mind-body, one that defies society's inscription of our subjectivity.

This thesis explores elementary schools’ homework practices on Prince Edward Island. I employ a feminist perspective that incorporates Foucault’s concept of governmentality (Foucault, 1991a) to examine homework as a ‘site’ where institutions (family and school) interact and power circulates. I focus on the ways in which the daily lives and subjectivities of mothers, and to a lesser extent teachers, are organized and regulated in the process of making homework work. I assembled and analyzed reports and policies related to education reform, parental involvement and homework. I draw on Foucault’s approach to genealogy (Foucault, 1984) to examine how homework has been established in these texts as a ‘good’ educational practice for young students, in spite of its dubious effects on educational achievement. Mothers and teachers are explicitly and implicitly addressed in education policy and practice as primary agents for the accomplishment of homework. Following qualitative research methodology, I conducted twenty in-depth interviews with mothers and teachers of elementary aged students. These mothers and teachers often have ambivalent feelings about homework, sharing frustrations about its effects on family time and relations and doubting its value for children. At the same time, ‘doing homework’ was closely linked to being a ‘good mother.’ Thus, my analysis draws attention to the complex ways that homework and parental involvement discourses work on and through people, to produce particular kinds of experiences and feelings. While homework may ‘fail’ to accomplish its professed educational aims for students, I argue that it serves to render women responsible for growing portions of educational labour. My study sheds light on the workings of power in the home/school relationship and more generally on the workings of neoliberal governance and educational reform. Modern government works through routine administration of our lives, in schools and families, and other institutions, often through persuasion, incitement and engagement rather than through explicit policy. I suggest the daily practice of homework is a concrete example of this and, extending Foucault’s analysis through feminist perspectives, I explore the unequal operation and effects of homework for those who are its main targets.

International development has become an increasingly fragmented and complex undertaking, with private wealth assuming an increasingly important role. At the forefront of this group sits the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, which has put significant resources behind Public-Private Partnerships such as the Global Alliance for Vaccinations and Immunizations (GAVI). Utilizing Foucault’s concept of governmentality, this thesis argues that foundations are key catalysts in the formation of such globally oriented partnerships, a trend not indicative of a shift in power from multilateral organizations to non-state actors, but representative of changing rationalities and practices of the government of populations at a global scale. This position is contextualized through a case study of the GAVI Alliance, which demonstrates that in the process of governing specific populations, such conglomerations of public and private actors seek to modify the governmental practices of states, in what Dean (1999) refers to as the “government of government”.

Breast cancer social movements have, in many ways, succeeded in increasing the visibility of the disease in North America, yet researchers understand little about the effects of this visibility; there is little information about how women with breast cancer navigate breast cancer discourse. Feminist relational autonomy helps us to understand that women's degree of autonomy in making treatment decisions regarding their breast cancer is affected by their understanding of the disease and available options. I draw on the results of multiple qualitative interviews and online discussion group posts from 12 women with breast cancer in Nova Scotia, Canada, to examine the interconnections between breast cancer discourse and approaches to decision-making. Many representations of the best ways to “do” breast cancer cross the boundaries of allopathic and homeopathic medicine, popular self-help literature, and support services approaches to care, making them extremely pervasive in women’s lives. An idealised subject position that portrays women with breast cancer as strong, positive survivors/thrivers connects to a context in which certain identities are more likely to be accepted than others. Constraining the identities worthy of social recognition, breast cancer discourse is taken up in ways that limit the actions participants could imagine and justify, and encourage self-governance and discipline of others.

The research question that I posed for this investigation is how the principles of Foucault’s governmentality can shed light on the political discourse on the achievement gaps (AGs) at the federal level. The AGs have been for some years now an actively researched phenomenon in education in the U.S. as well as in the rest of the world. Many in the education profession community, politicians, social activists, researchers and others have considered the differences in educational outcomes an indication of a grave deficiency of the educational process and even of the society at large. I began this work with a review of the educational research relevant to the above mentioned research question. Then I presented my research methodology and de- scribed how obtained my data and analyzed them both qualitatively and quantitatively. The results of the analysis were discussed in the light of federal legislation, the work of Foucault on governmentality, and the relevant literature and woven into a series of narratives. Finally, I abstracted these narratives into a model for under- standing the federal policy discourse. This model consists of an intersection of eight antitheses: (1) the rgime of discipline versus the apparatuses of security, (2) the appeal to danger versus assurances of progress or even success, (3) the acknowledgement of the association between the AGs and the “disadvantage” of the students and the disregard and even prohibition of the equalization of school funding, (4) the desire for all students to be “equal,” but they have to be dis-aggregated, the (5) injunction of research based instruction practices imposed by an ideology-driven reform policy, (6) we expect equal outcomes by using market forces, which are known to produce a diversity of results, (7) the teacher is a “highly qualified” professional, but also a functionary of the government, and finally (8) the claim to honor local control and school flexibility versus the unprecedented federalization and bureaucratization of the schools, which is a mirror of the contrast between the desire to establish apparatuses of security in schools and the means to establishing them through rgimes of discipline.

No description available.

The science of human origins, known formally as ‘paleoanthropology’, was effectively born in the fierce late nineteenth century debate as to the human status of Neanderthal. Critical social theory on ‘scientism’ has generated a wealth of research on the ways the various human sciences contribute to the structuring and organizing of social relations. This includes Foucault’s well-known genealogical studies of clinical medicine, which have provided sociologists with crucial insight into how classifying and ordering practices actually create ‘Man’ in the way they operate as a field – or “technology” – of power (Foucault 1970). However, as yet there has been very little produced by sociologists interested in the impacts of science on society with regards to paleoanthropology specifically. This is especially surprising considering that Neanderthal, the quintessential ‘missing link’ and the hub of paleoanthropology’s speculative and explanatory universe, clearly occupies a central place in the socio-historical emergence of ‘humanness’ as an ontological category. Moving forward from the basic observation that the original 1856 discovery of fossilized Neanderthal remains in a cave in Germany’s Neander Valley generally coincided with the end of the colonial period, my dissertation seeks to fill a void in sociology via a genealogical study of paleoanthropological science. Drawing largely upon the insight of Foucault but also that of Saïd, I undertake a discourse analysis of the early debates surrounding Neanderthal with an aim toward shedding light upon the ways in which Neanderthal propagated or concealed certain anxieties, particularly as they relate to biological kinships. This is then applied to an exploration of how the debates surrounding Neanderthal were in turn pivotal to the emergence of today’s prevailing paleoanthropological models of human origins. The profound ontological and epistemological tensions embodied by these models, I argue, wholly reflect the inherently ambiguous nature of the missing link as both concept and metaphor. The result is that missing links, because of the discursive field in which they function, are a powerful source of normativity and stratification. / Thesis (Ph.D, Sociology) -- Queen's University, 2014-02-04 12:53:52.631

This project is designed as a case study investigating the relationship and practices between residents and police officers in the William Wells Brown neighborhood of Lexington, Kentucky toward the issue of drug-related crime. Employing Michel Foucault‘s work on governmentality and his concept of Splendor, I explore how governance is practiced within the daily negotiations of the WWB neighborhood. I approach this project through the lens of policing because some residents, especially those who comprise the William Wells Brown Neighborhood Association, form a limited partnership with the police department in combating the threat of drug crime in the neighborhood. Drug-related crime is defined as the purchasing, selling or using of illegal drugs. In my research, the illegal drug most commonly referred to is crack cocaine. Through my analysis, I explore the importance of visual appearances and spatial regulation in the policing of individuals.