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Port-au-Prince, Haiti, along with many dense cities in developing countries, are stifled by their rudimentary, undersized and poorly maintained waste, water and sanitation infrastructural systems. Port-au-Prince is a city already plagued by poverty and overpopulation, and suffered a magnitude 7.0 earthquake in 2010 that devastated the already fragile republic. Flooded with Not-for-Profit and Non-Government Organizations (NFPs and NGOs) and billions of dollars of aid money following the earthquake, a new challenge arose in finding ways to utilize these new, uncoordinated resources efficiently without falling victim to dependency on aid money and other fleeting, external resources. The thesis proposes a series of infrastructural components for decentralized waste, water and sanitation that can address the cultural and infrastructural challenges of diverse sites within city, as city-wide systems have proved unsuitable and have not been maintained. The proposal deals with resources and wastes on-site, in order to reduce dependence on often expensive methods of waste collection and water provision. It diverts waste and excess water from ravines; reduces waste strewn throughout the city; creates community accountability and engagement, and in doing so, strives to improve quality of life. Waste is furthermore utilized in fueling other complementary processes, generating a micro-scale waste economy. The solution to making Port-au-Prince’s infrastructural systems viable and self-sustaining is to turn them into economic drivers that produce businesses and jobs through the collection, sorting, processing and re-use of wastes and water that in turn result in safer and more sanitary living conditions, as well as helping to re-organize a city destroyed by the earthquake into productive neighbourhoods with local community nodes.

Port-au-Prince, Haiti, along with many dense cities in developing countries, are stifled by their rudimentary, undersized and poorly maintained waste, water and sanitation infrastructural systems. Port-au-Prince is a city already plagued by poverty and overpopulation, and suffered a magnitude 7.0 earthquake in 2010 that devastated the already fragile republic. Flooded with Not-for-Profit and Non-Government Organizations (NFPs and NGOs) and billions of dollars of aid money following the earthquake, a new challenge arose in finding ways to utilize these new, uncoordinated resources efficiently without falling victim to dependency on aid money and other fleeting, external resources. The thesis proposes a series of infrastructural components for decentralized waste, water and sanitation that can address the cultural and infrastructural challenges of diverse sites within city, as city-wide systems have proved unsuitable and have not been maintained. The proposal deals with resources and wastes on-site, in order to reduce dependence on often expensive methods of waste collection and water provision. It diverts waste and excess water from ravines; reduces waste strewn throughout the city; creates community accountability and engagement, and in doing so, strives to improve quality of life. Waste is furthermore utilized in fueling other complementary processes, generating a micro-scale waste economy. The solution to making Port-au-Prince’s infrastructural systems viable and self-sustaining is to turn them into economic drivers that produce businesses and jobs through the collection, sorting, processing and re-use of wastes and water that in turn result in safer and more sanitary living conditions, as well as helping to re-organize a city destroyed by the earthquake into productive neighbourhoods with local community nodes.

Thesis (Ed. D.)--Indiana University of Pennsylvania. / Includes bibliographical references.

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Haiti has long been characterized as a fragile state. Particularly since 2004, responses from the international community have focused on Haiti’s stabilization and reconstruction. Post-colonial critiques highlight the constraints imposed by these approaches, but fail to sufficiently explore forms of agency which, by resisting and redirecting external impositions, could promote political, social and economic transformation. The adoption of the National Policy for Equality between Women and Men in Haiti in 2014/15 seems to represent such potentially transformative agency. The primary aim of this research is to understand how national agency and international actors (sometimes neo-colonial) interacted, through particular institutions, to shape the adoption and initial implementation of the National Policy. The second aim is to draw on selected feminist theories (institutional and more critical) to explain these processes and assess the extent to which they represent the emergence of transformative alternatives in the Haitian context.

Submitted by Aline Cirino Gonçalves Tororó Pereira (alinecirinogoncalves@gmail.com) on 2017-11-10T12:19:46Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Boots on the ground- peacekeeping in practice affects, culture, and the Brazilian troops : Aline Cirino Gonçalves Tororó Pereira. – 2017. .pdf: 2583162 bytes, checksum: 610db6401b970b49ed44e135bba98c02 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Diego Andrade (diego.andrade@fgv.br) on 2017-12-08T12:48:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Boots on the ground- peacekeeping in practice affects, culture, and the Brazilian troops : Aline Cirino Gonçalves Tororó Pereira. – 2017. .pdf: 2583162 bytes, checksum: 610db6401b970b49ed44e135bba98c02 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-08T18:27:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Boots on the ground- peacekeeping in practice affects, culture, and the Brazilian troops : Aline Cirino Gonçalves Tororó Pereira. – 2017. .pdf: 2583162 bytes, checksum: 610db6401b970b49ed44e135bba98c02 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-15 / Ao longo dessa dissertação, eu investiguei como a participação das tropas brasileiras na Missão das Nações Unidas para a Estabilização do Haiti (MINUSTAH) afeta e é afetada pela cultura de segurança nacional brasileira. Concluo que a participação brasileira na MINUSTAH é informada pela cultura militar brasileira e é repercutida nas práticas militares nacionais. / Along this dissertation, I investigate how the participation of Brazilian Troops in the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) affect and is affected by Brazil’s culture of national security. I conclude that the Brazilian participation in MINUSTAH is informed by Brazil’s national military culture, and has repercussions in the national military praxis

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Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Relações Internacionais, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais, 2016. / Submitted by Albânia Cézar de Melo (albania@bce.unb.br) on 2017-03-06T13:22:44Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_PaulaGomesMoreira.pdf: 2207997 bytes, checksum: f3f96a8c4381557522f3ea1e0f1834f5 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ruthléa Nascimento(ruthleanascimento@bce.unb.br) on 2017-03-07T12:18:59Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_PaulaGomesMoreira.pdf: 2207997 bytes, checksum: f3f96a8c4381557522f3ea1e0f1834f5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-07T12:18:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016_PaulaGomesMoreira.pdf: 2207997 bytes, checksum: f3f96a8c4381557522f3ea1e0f1834f5 (MD5) / Com esta pesquisa analisamos os impactos do monitoramento internacional de eleições no Haiti e México, através de um índice de boa governança eleitoral, entre os anos de 1990 e 2015. Incialmente foram introduzidos os marcos teórico e conceituais, que guiam o trabalho, e dizem respeito à relação entre a boa governança eleitoral e democracia, traduzidas nas avaliações dos observadores através de quatro visões principais: eleições livres e justas, qualidade das eleições, integridade das eleições e más práticas. A última foi adotada no trabalho como principal eixo analítico, em virtude de abranger as demais perspectivas em sua interpretação dos ciclos eleitorais latino-americanos. Em seguida, foi apresentada a trajetória da prática de observação internacional de eleições, indo desde os referendos e plebiscitos europeus, passando pelas missões multidimensionais da Organização das Nações Unidas e emergência das organizações internacionais e regionais intergovernamentais, também dedicadas ao tema, até sua configuração atual. A terceira parte do trabalho mostra como foi feita a seleção de casos, metodologia utilizada e construção de índice de boa governança eleitoral, além dos principais resultados quantitativos. Os dois últimos capítulos foram dedicados à apresentações e análise dos resultados quanto ao impacto das missões nos períodos do ciclo eleitoral, nomeadamente: pré-eleitoral, durante a votação e pós-eleitoral. Também é demonstrada a variação do índice para cada um dos países, e na conclusão é feita a análise comparativa final. / With this research, we analyze the impacts of international monitoring of elections in Haiti and Mexico through an index of good electoral governance between 1990 and 2015. Initially, we introduce the theoretical and conceptual frameworks that guide the work. This conceptual and theoretical frame is based on the relationship between good electoral governance and democracy, reflected in the evaluations of the international observers through four main views: free and fair elections, election quality, election integrity and bad practices. The latter was adopted in the work as the main analytical axis, because it covers the other perspectives in its interpretation of the Latin American electoral cycles. Then, the trajectory of the practice of international observation of elections, ranging from the referendums and plebiscites in Europe, passing through the multidimensional missions of the United Nations and the emergence of international and regional intergovernmental organizations, also dedicated to the theme, until its current configuration. The third part of the thesis shows how the case selection, methodology used and the construction of good electoral governance index were done, in addition to the main quantitative results. The last two chapters were devoted to presentations and analysis of the results regarding the impact of the missions in the periods of the electoral cycle, namely: pre-electoral, during voting and post-election. The index variation for each of the countries is also demonstrated, and at the conclusion is made the final comparative analysis.

Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Centro de Estudos Avançados Multidisciplinares, Pós-graduação em Desenvolvimento, Sociedade e Cooperação Internacional, 2015. / Submitted by Fernanda Percia França (fernandafranca@bce.unb.br) on 2016-04-13T17:37:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_JulianaSandiPinheiro.pdf: 1607089 bytes, checksum: a4d5a5eb75eb46e9a187294ba812386a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Raquel Viana(raquelviana@bce.unb.br) on 2016-04-18T17:20:32Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_JulianaSandiPinheiro.pdf: 1607089 bytes, checksum: a4d5a5eb75eb46e9a187294ba812386a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-18T17:20:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2015_JulianaSandiPinheiro.pdf: 1607089 bytes, checksum: a4d5a5eb75eb46e9a187294ba812386a (MD5) / O presente estudo tem por objetivo analisar as práticas de enfretamento das gangues haitianas por parte dos contingentes brasileiros da MINUSTAH. Para tal, foi verificado de maneira sucinta o problema das gangues na sociedade haitiana com base no conceito de anomia, discutidas perspectivas teóricas acerca das operações de paz da ONU, debatido conceitualmente a estratégia segundo as visões de mundo estruturada e da habitação, apresentada a Grande Estratégia brasileira em conjunto com a doutrina de emprego do Exército brasileiro para pacificação e descrita a experiência operacional dos contingentes brasileiros da MINUSTAH. O problema de pesquisa indaga se o modus operandi das tropas brasileiras no tocante ao enfrentamento das gangues no Haiti é inovador. Um parâmetro para inovação talvez seja o emprego de tropas concomitantemente em atividades de enfrentamento das forças adversas e em trabalhos de suporte humanitário sem que haja desvio da função militar. Com o objetivo de responder a essa indagação foram analisados os relatórios finais de emprego dos contingentes brasileiros da MINUSTAH. A análise de conteúdo dos relatórios finais de emprego foi fundamental para observação das ações empreendidas pelas tropas. A estrutura analítica criada para revisão dos referidos documentos, com a comparação entre índices temáticos em conjunto com suas respectivas unidades de registro e de contexto, permitiu a extração de informações dos documentos adequadas para elucidação do problema e dos objetivos da pesquisa. A descrição da experiência operacional das tropas brasileiras, das estratégias de emprego e da posição muitas vezes crítica quanto à missão por parte dos militares brasileiros são algumas das principais contribuições do presente estudo. Pela primeira vez no meio acadêmico civil, um estudo pôde contar com o acesso a importantes relatórios do Ministério da Defesa que reportam atividades operacionais de tropas que ainda se encontram mobilizadas. A MINUSTAH congrega a primeira experiência brasileira de uso da força no nível tático em uma missão de estabilização das Nações Unidas governada majoritariamente pelo Capítulo VII da Carta. O Estado brasileiro ambiciona ser mais do que um mero contribuinte de tropas para as missões de paz das Nações Unidas. Habilitar-se como proponente de metodologias de trabalho que possam ser eficazes em cenários de alta complexidade no âmbito das missões de paz é, portanto, uma conquista estratégica que aproxima o País do processo de tomada de decisão internacional. / This study aims to examine the coping practices of Haitian gangs by Brazilian contingents of MINUSTAH. To this end, it was checked briefly the problem of gangs in Haitian society based on the concept of anomie, discussed theoretical perspectives about the UN peacekeeping operations, conceptually debated the strategy according to the building and the dwelling worldviews, presented the Brazilian Grand Strategy in conjunction with the Brazilian Army doctrine of “pacification”, and described the operational experience of the Brazilian contingents of MINUSTAH. The research problem asks whether the modus operandi of the Brazilian troops in regard to coping with gangs in Haiti is innovative. A parameter to innovation may be the use of troops simultaneously in coping activities of opposing forces and humanitarian support work without deviation from the military function. In order to answer this question the final reports of employment of Brazilian contingents of MINUSTAH were analyzed. The content analysis of the final reports was instrumental in observing the actions taken by the troops. The analytical framework established to review the documents, with the comparison between thematic indices together with their respective reporting units and context, allowed to obtain the necessary data from the documents for elucidation of the problem and research objectives. The description of the operational experience of the Brazilian troops, the employment strategies and some critic positions about the mission by the Brazilian military are some of the major contributions of this study. For the first time in the Academia, a researcher was allowed access to important Ministry of Defense reports that describe the operating activities of Brazilian troops. MINUSTAH brings together the first Brazilian experience of the use of force at the tactical level in a United Nations stabilization mission governed mainly by Chapter VII of the Charter. The Brazilian state aims to be more than just a contributor of troops to UN peacekeeping missions. To be qualified as proponent of working methodologies that can be effective in highly complex scenarios within the framework of peacekeeping missions is therefore a strategic achievement that approximates the country to the international decision-making process.