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Submitted by Annelise Faustino da Costa (annel_ise@hotmail.com) on 2017-03-14T16:06:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertação Annelise F. da Costa- 2017.pdf: 3475655 bytes, checksum: ed6071b63433801edf57e647accef379 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by LUIZA DE MENEZES ROMANETTO (luizamenezes@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2017-03-14T18:01:24Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 costa_af_me_mar.pdf: 3475655 bytes, checksum: ed6071b63433801edf57e647accef379 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-14T18:01:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 costa_af_me_mar.pdf: 3475655 bytes, checksum: ed6071b63433801edf57e647accef379 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-22 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Este trabalho, de natureza bibliográfica e documental, teve como objetivo principal analisar a comunicação social da Missão de Estabilização das Nações Unidas no Haiti (MINUSTAH). Buscou-se verificar como a operação de paz tentou transmitir uma imagem ideal que auxiliasse o cumprimento de seus objetivos e como ela foi apresentada por três canais da mídia haitiana (Haïti en Marche, Le Nouvelliste, Alterpresse), e, consequentemente, a uma parcela do público haitiano, durante os anos de 2004 a 2011. A pesquisa partiu da hipótese que a MINUSTAH buscou estabelecer dinâmicas de comunicação social ao longo de sua atuação no Haiti, as quais, apesar de serem centrais para suas ações, se mostraram limitadas. A pesquisa utilizou documentos, papers, matérias veiculadas pela imprensa, livros e relatórios de organizações de direitos humanos. O resultado é apresentado em capítulos que representam as fases da MINUSTAH, e em cada uma delas contrapõe as ações e produções de comunicação social com as notícias apresentadas nos canais midiáticos citados acima. No final, apresentamos considerações sobre a convergência ou divergência dos dois discursos, atuação da MINUSTAH e a importância da comunicação social para cada fase da operação. A pesquisa permitiu concluir que os três órgãos haitianos foram em grande parte críticos com a MINUSTAH, e que a mesma, apesar de conquistas, apresentou problemas em sua atuação no Haiti. No entanto, a presença da Organização das Nações Unidas foi fundamental para conter a violência e proporcionar mudanças políticas, sociais e econômicas no país. / This work, of bibliographical and documentary nature, had as main objective to analyze the public information of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). It was sought to verify how the peacekeeping operation tried to transmit an ideal image that would aid the fulfillment of its objectives and how it was presented by three channels of the Haitian media (Haïti en Marche, Le Nouvelliste, Alterpresse), and, consequently, to a portion of the Haitian public, during the years 2004 to 2011. The research started from the hypothesis that MINUSTAH sought to establish public information dynamics throughout its activities in Haiti, which, although central to its actions, was limited. The research used documents, articles, press materials, books and reports from human rights organizations. The result is presented in chapters that represent the phases of MINUSTAH, and in each one of them opposes the actions and productions of public information with the news presented in the media channels mentioned above. In the end, we present considerations about the convergence or divergence of the two speeches, MINUSTAH's performance and the importance of public information for each phase of the operation. The research concluded that the three Haitian agencies were largely critical of MINUSTAH, and that despite their achievements, MINUSTAH presented problems in its work in Haiti. However, the presence of the United Nations was instrumental in containing the violence and providing political, social and economic changes in the country.

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Determining what constitutes the proper role and characteristics of a constabulary has received renewed interest in recent years as the international community increasingly involves itself in peace and stability operations. The U.S. invasion of Iraq has further stimulated discussion over how foreign powers should go about establishing security institutions within a host nation, particularly in one as turbulent as Iraq. Recent events in both Iraq and Afghanistan have made clear the importance of indigenous police forces, or constabularies, to pacification and state-building operations. Effective constabularies can perform the key role of separating insurgents from the population and giving substance and legitimacy to federal and local government. This thesis examines two U.S.-organized paramilitaries: the Philippine Constabulary (1901-1917) and the Haitian Gendarmerie (1916-1934). It argues that in both the Philippines and Haiti, the constabularies became armies, and the instruments of autocratic rule, because American military officers allowed the militarization of the police forces to become institutionalized without also establishing normative constraints on the use of military power. The thesis contends that American military authorities undermined the constabularies’ suitability for enforcing civil law by aggressively developing their military capabilities to meet the challenges of fighting violent insurgencies. Both organizations generalized their pragmatic responses to immediate circumstances without considering the long term implications for them as institutions. The historical experience of the Constabulary and Gendarmerie testify to the real temptation for leaders to stretch an organization beyond its mandate or capabilities by focusing on success and victory over purpose and the ends for which the organization exists.

Despite the devastation caused by environmental catastrophes, these phenomena have yet to garner significant attention as a subject of criminological inquiry. This thesis is framed by the following question: How can we problematize the notion of “natural” disaster to arrive at a criminological understanding of human culpability in the production of harm? I argue that the degree of human suffering caused by natural disasters is aggravated by imperialistic state crimes, which predispose populations to conditions of vulnerability and dependency. I substantiate this argument with an analysis of Haiti and demonstrate how its history of imperialistic exploitation by the US amounted to a pattern of state crime victimization that marginalized Haitians and, consequently, shaped their suffering from the 2010 earthquake. The story of Haiti exemplifies the relationship between the contemporary hardships of a natural disaster and the historical injustices of state crime, thus illuminating the relevance of a criminology of catastrophe. / UOIT

On January 12, 2010, the Caribbean nation of Haiti suffered from one of the most devastating earthquake in recent history. The purpose of this study is to explore representations of Haiti in Western news media coverage of the disaster. The researcher utilized Jiwani’s (2006) theoretical framework of common sense stock knowledge to explore the relationship between the Western news media and Haiti, with an emphasis on media framing. Additionally, the method of journalistic discourse analysis was employed as a means of analyzing the 90 article sample. The researcher found that there were several frames that dominated coverage of the disaster which resulted in the marginalization of Haiti and Haitians.

The objective of the study is to identify and evaluate possibilities for aligning a small company’s strategy with the needs of a market consisting of NGOs. By doing so enabling further development of products and services to achieve a high fit to the market needs.

Determining what constitutes the proper role and characteristics of a constabulary has received renewed interest in recent years as the international community increasingly involves itself in peace and stability operations. The U.S. invasion of Iraq has further stimulated discussion over how foreign powers should go about establishing security institutions within a host nation, particularly in one as turbulent as Iraq. Recent events in both Iraq and Afghanistan have made clear the importance of indigenous police forces, or constabularies, to pacification and state-building operations. Effective constabularies can perform the key role of separating insurgents from the population and giving substance and legitimacy to federal and local government. This thesis examines two U.S.-organized paramilitaries: the Philippine Constabulary (1901-1917) and the Haitian Gendarmerie (1916-1934). It argues that in both the Philippines and Haiti, the constabularies became armies, and the instruments of autocratic rule, because American military officers allowed the militarization of the police forces to become institutionalized without also establishing normative constraints on the use of military power. The thesis contends that American military authorities undermined the constabularies’ suitability for enforcing civil law by aggressively developing their military capabilities to meet the challenges of fighting violent insurgencies. Both organizations generalized their pragmatic responses to immediate circumstances without considering the long term implications for them as institutions. The historical experience of the Constabulary and Gendarmerie testify to the real temptation for leaders to stretch an organization beyond its mandate or capabilities by focusing on success and victory over purpose and the ends for which the organization exists.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2002. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references. Available also from UMI Company.

Thesis (D. Min.)--Gordon-Conwell Theological Seminary, Boston, MA, 2001. / Abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 136-138).