This thesis is the product of an Arts and Humanities Research Council Collaborative Doctoral Award, the result of which was the production of a catalogue of the Tableaux de la Révolution. Made up of some 500 prints, presented in four nineteenth century bound volumes, the Tableaux de la Révolution is part of the Rothschild Collection held at Waddesdon Manor, Buckinghamshire. One of the key goals of the project was to create an online resource that is now publicly accessible by internet. The initial cataloguing was split between Claire Trévien, also a recipient of and AHRC CDA, which she held in the French Department at the University of Warwick and myself. We ‘tombstone catalogued’ some 250 prints each, analysing the following: date, the identification of printing method and style, identification of subject and theme, a description of the image, translation and description of the text, as well as the construction of a theme-based search engine. My own contribution was the first and fourth of the large volumes in which the prints are kept (accession numbers: 4232.1 and 4222). Additional background research has also been conducted for each print, extended upon in the final in-depth analyses of circa 30 prints on my part. The items which received this treatment under my individual care were acc. nos: 4222.7.4, 4222.9.8, 4222.10.11, 4222.13.16, 4222.14.17, 4222.21.27, 4222.35.44, 4222.47.61, 4232.1.13.27, 4232.1.19.40, 4232.1.23.46, 4232.1.42.83, 4232.1.43.85, 4232.1.43.86, 4232.1.46.92, 4232.1.48.96, 4232.1.52.104, 4232.1.52.107, 4232.1.57.113, 4232.1.69.142, 4232.1.70.144, 4232.1.80.164, 4232.1.83.170, 4232.1.84.171, 4232.2.24.38, 4232.2.31.50, 4232.2.31.51, 4232.2.35.61 and 4232.2.47.80 (http://www.waddesdon.org.uk/collection/special-projects/tableaux-paul). The work done at Waddesdon Manor also proved invaluable vis-à-vis my thesis. The study of the prints laid the groundwork for me to broaden my knowledge of prints as a visual medium. In addition to this, an exhibition of the Tableaux de la Révolution was held at Waddesdon Manor in summer 2011. Part of the impact of the final catalogue also included a public lecture and ‘hands-on’ session, which I co-hosted with Claire Trévien. The catalogue of the Tableaux de la Révolution may be consulted on the Waddesdon website at: http://waddesdon.org.uk/collection/special-projects/tableau.

No description available.

 This narrative study examines the consequence of the Cultural Revolution experience for the 1966-1976 primary school students, who are labeled as Little Red Guards. They retrospectively identify both gains and losses from their schooling experience during the Cultural Revolution, which contrasts with the traditional victim image of the Red Guard generation. This study focuses on the coexistence of their positive and negative voices, specifically asking how are the positive and negative voices formed in the narratives of the former Little Red Guards, and what are the perceived gains and losses over time. The field work was conducted in Beijing in 2009 and 2010. Data was collected through oral histories and analyzed relying on the method of personal narrative analysis. Forty-nine informants participated, and twenty-six cases were selected as major data sources. Given the range in participants’ ages, selected cases are classified into three groups: 1966 senior primary school students (Group-A), 1966 junior primary school students (Group-B), and students who enrolled in primary school in the 1970s (Group-C). Furthermore, due to their subjective voices, the narratives are also divided into four sub-categories: positive, negative, neither (neither-positive-nor-negative) and both (both-positive-and-negative) voices. The oral data is presented with impressive moments, events, and episodes (at the factual level), and their reflections and self-generalizations (at the interpretative level). Data analysis suggests that the positive and/or negative voices are closely linked with students’ past position in school, which involved three roles: activists, students with a bad label, and ordinary participants. The activists basically hold positive points due to their student leader experiences as well as the beneficial social practices they engaged in. The labeled students tend to put forward totally negative accounts because of excluded experiences, characterized by alienation, discriminations, and frustrations. The ordinary participants, on one hand, assign negative comments to the meaningless social practices they participated; on the other hand, also highlight untended positive consequences for their later life. The findings reveal two determining themes within the diverse narratives: involvements in the political activities and participation in social practice. The two themes indicate two significantly hidden tissues: ideological awareness (IA) and practical awareness (PA).Working as the internalized predisposition, IA and PA expose the embodied history of the former Little Red Guards and a historically embedded process of their self-construction. Concerning the revolutionary context of the 1966-1976 education reform, this study combines and integrates IA and PA as constituting a revolutionary habitus (RH).The positive accounts relating to IA and PA display an elaborative meaning of RH; whereas the negative narratives concerning IA and PA demonstrate the restrictive meaning of RH. Therefore, the potential gains lie in the attainment of strong confident leadership and pragmatic social practice; while the losses refer to the formation of a pervasive sensitivity to political issues and a destructive recognition of the practical-oriented education. The finding of RH also stimulates more reflective thinking about the legacy of the 1966-1976 radical education reform, from the perspective of former Little Red Guards. / published_or_final_version / Education / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

Although it has long been portrayed as the nation’s ‘moat defensive’, recent examinations of Anglo-French rivalry during the long eighteenth century have revealed that the English Channel was, in reality, a highly permeable and vulnerable maritime border territory. Within this context, the Channel Islands assumed a strategic and tactical significance which was vastly disproportionate to their physical size, population or resources; emerging as what Morieux terms ‘a lynchpin of control' over local shipping and trade. Although a great deal of research has been already undertaken – particularly in relation to the Channel Islands’ role as a base for commerce-raiding and intelligence gathering – much of this has covered the entire long eighteenth century. However, it was only during the Great French War that the British government embraced the military potential of the Channel Islands to the fullest; not only exploiting the inhabitants’ knowledge of the seas and intimacy with her ‘enemies’, but also transforming the archipelago into a chain of offshore fortresses. In addition, prior scholarship has often focused on individual aspects of the Channel Islands’ involvement in the Great French War; while local historians have tended to embrace the ‘Great Man’ approach, examining the period through the lens of the careers of local commanders. Consequently, this thesis seeks to provide a more complete picture of the Channel Islands’ role within Britain’s military and naval strategy; integrating an examination of local defence and security with several of already well-covered topics. Moreover, in light of the fact that existent scholarship has often centred upon ‘Great Men’, it is hoped that the thesis shall serve to better demonstrate the extent to which the celebrated achievements of Don, Doyle and D’Auvergne rested upon the efforts of a number of ‘unsung heroes’.

Not available / text

No description available.

In this thesis, I argue the case for putting the industrial revolution back into literary accounts of the Romantic period. Writers of fiction played an important part in disseminating knowledge about the changes to technology and society, as well as helping to form the image of the newest social class: that of the industrial workers. Literature aspired to educate and integrate this class, as well as to influence the parallel process of educating the upper classes about the advent of the new manufacturing order. I have taken as the governing metaphor for industrialization that of 'white slavery', drawing the contrast to the contemporary movement to abolish black slavery. To illustrate the thesis, I have chosen six writers: three Romantic poets - Coleridge, Southey and Wordsworth - and three women educationalists - Hannah More, Maria Edgeworth and Harriet Martineau, each of whom represents a significant philosophical approach to a manufacturing society and who each made an important contribution to imaginative literature. Whilst the Romantic poets analysed industrialization as a divisive and demoralizing phenomenon and looked to the past for solutions, the educationalists responded to the challenge presented by the factory system by suggesting new visions of social relationships which bound moral and economic behaviour together. The thesis aspires to restore the voices of neglected women writers in the industrial debate with the aim of promoting a deeper understanding of the dynamics of the Romantic period and a fuller comprehension of its creative expression.

Orientador: Marcio Bilharinho Naves / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-14T02:13:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rezzaghi_MarianaDelgadoBarbieri_M.pdf: 871533 bytes, checksum: 9917a4fcf0cce3dea2eaafb90a323c97 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: A presente pesquisa busca apresentar as transformações no ensino ocorridas durante a Revolução Cultural Chinesa, incentivadas pela necessidade de se avançar na sociedade de transição. Construir o novo homem é tarefa dos novos planos pedagógicos; e superar o ensino burguês, atingir as massas e fortalecer a ideologia proletária é fundamental. Apresentamos, brevemente, a questão da revolucionarização das relações de produção, que era o objetivo central da Revolução Cultural visando atingir uma sociedade comunista e, finalmente, a questão da superação da divisão entre trabalho manual e intelectual será abordada como meio de facilitar a revolucionarização através da referida mudança do ensino / Abstract: This research aims at presenting the transformations on education occurred during the Chinese Cultural Revolution. These transformations were fostered by the need of advancing in a society of transition from capitalism to communism. Building a new man is a task of the new pedagogical plans; and getting over the bourgeois education, so to impact the mass and to strengthen the proletarian ideology is essential. Firstly, we present the matter of revolutionarization of the relations of production, which were the main objective of the Cultural Revolution and that searched to reach a communist society. Then, we discuss the matter of surpassing the division between manual and intellectual work as a means to facilitate revolutionarization through such a change on Education / Mestrado / Teoria Sociológica / Mestre em Sociologia

This study of Norfolk and Bedfordshire in the civil war and Interregnum was based on an analysis of the membership of the various committees appointed for the counties between December 1642 and March 1660. The members of the committees were divided into groups for analysis according to the dates of their first and last appointments. The gentry of Norfolk and Bedfordshire, which were both Parliamentarian counties, filled the committees of the 1640s, as they had the commissions of the peace in the 1630s. After the execution of the King in January'' 1649, the membership of the Bedfordshire committees was drastically changed by the loss of almost all the gentry members, while the Norfolk committees remained largely unchanged until I65I-I652. The difference between the counties was traced to the displacement of the secluded MPs- from the committees; the probably voluntary withdrawal of the Bedfordshire gentry; the weaker and more fluid gentry community and the greater penetration of radical political and religious ideas in Bedfordshire. Throughout the 1650s, Bedfordshire was administered by people new to county office, of lower social rank and more radical opinions than their gentry predecessors• Similar new people became important in Norfolk after I65I, but they did not replace the gentry, who retained their role and influence. In late 1659 and early 1660, the gentry in both counties returned to sole control of local government, displacing the new officials of the 1650s. A similar pattern in the type of committeemen was observed in both counties: the committeemen appointed before 1649 and in 1660 were of the same social rank as those holding county office before 1640, but the committeemen appointed for the first time I649-I656 were of markedly lower social origins. It was noted that in Bedfordshire, and to a much lesser extent in Norfolk, these new officials of the 1650s proved a viable alternative administration to the traditional gentry elite. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

Orientador: Claudio Henrique de Moraes Batalha / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T08:28:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Canelas_LeticiaGregorio_M.pdf: 1282455 bytes, checksum: cfadb0df8baeb92edbfca1bbbebe1d55 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: Em fevereiro de 1848 eclodiu em Paris a revolução que instaurou a Segunda República Francesa. Durante o processo revolucionário, foi marcante a atuação do movimento operário associativista, organizado principalmente em Paris. No entanto, foi derrotado nas barricadas de Junho de 1848, perdendo seu espaço sobre as diretrizes da nova República, mas continuou atuando minimamente com os militantes de classe média, socialistas e republicanos do partido da Montanha, os démocsocs. Com o apoio do partido da ordem, Luis Bonaparte, eleito presidente em dezembro de 1848, desferiu um Golpe de Estado em 2 de dezembro de 1851 e provocou a prisão e a proscrição de milhares de indivíduos da oposição republicana. Muitos destes se encontraram no exílio e tentaram, durante a década de 1850, construir um movimento de resistência, com o objetivo de se instaurar uma República Universal de todos os Povos da Europa. Posteriormente, estes partidários da república ficaram conhecidos como quarante-huitards (homens de 1848), expressão que indicava a idéia de uma tradição republicana, que além de democrática e socialista, também era anticlerical e extremamente antibonapartista. O assunto desta dissertação é a expressão do ¿espírito quarante-huitard¿ na Corte do Império Brasileiro na década de 1850, principalmente devido ao fato da existência de alguns exilados políticos em meio à comunidade francesa habitante do Rio de Janeiro. O semanário Courrier du Brésil (1854-1862) foi o principal suporte de manifestação destes franceses e a Sociedade Francesa de Socorros Mútuos (fundada em 1856) foi seu espaço privilegiado de atuação associativista. O grupo de franceses ligados ao Courrier du Brésil estabeleceu no Brasil uma rede de relações com brasileiros como o jovem Machado de Assis, Manuel Antônio de Almeida e os políticos liberais ligados ao jornal Diário do Rio de Janeiro ? que na década de 1870 participariam da fundação do Partido Republicano / Abstract: In February of 1848 came out in Paris, the revolution that restored the SecondFrench Republic. During the revolutionary process, the performance of the associativism working-class movement, organized mainly in Paris, stood out. However, it was defeated in the barricades of June of 1848, losing its space on the lines of direction of the new republic, but at least continued acting with the middle class militants, socialist and republican, of the party of the Mountain, démocsocs. With the support of the Party of the Order, Louis Bonaparte, elect president in December of 1848, brandished a Coup d'Etat in 2 of December of 1851 and provoked the arrest and the proscription of thousand of individuals of the republican opposition. Many of these found each other in the exile and had tried, during the decade of 1850, to construct a resistance movement, with the objective of establish a Universal Republic of all the Peoples of the Europe. Later, these partisans of the republic had been known as quarante-huitards (1848 men), expression that indicated the idea of a republican tradition, that beyond democratic and socialist, also were anticlerical and extremely anti-bonapartist. The subject of this work is the expression of the ¿spirit quarante-huitard¿ in the Court of the Brazilian Empire in the decade of 1850, mainly because of the fact of the existence of some exiled politicians among the French community in Rio de Janeiro. The weekly journal Courrier du Brésil (1854-1862) was the main support of manifestation of these Frenchmen and the Société Française de Secours Mutuels (established in 1856) was it's privileged space of associativist performance. The group of Frenchmen connected to the Courrier du Brésil established in Brazil a net of relations with brazilians as the young Machado de Assis, Manuel Antonio de Almeida and liberal politicians connected to the Journal Diário do Rio de Janeiro - that in the decade of 1870 would participate on the foundation of the Republican Party / Mestrado / Historia Social / Mestre em História