This article explores the shifting relationship between the state and the rural elites in Sichuan during the last decades of the Qing dynasty through the lens of taxation and public debt by using a creditor-debtor model as a theoretical framework. Sichuan’s unique rewarded land tax surcharge, called the “Contribution” and levied since 1864, established a relationship of symbolic and economic indebtedness of the imperial and local state to the taxpayer. Western-inspired reforms after 1898 directly attacked the symbolic and economic bonds established by the Contribution. The Railway Rent Share tax shifted the creditor-debtor relationship from the state to the public Sichuan-Hankou Railway Company by making individual taxpayers into shareholders. When Beijing eventually banned what it saw as a privatization of taxation and decided to nationalize the railway company, this ignited the Railway Protection Movement, which precipitated the 1911 Revolution in Sichuan.

The problem which confronts us at the outset, is the problem which has been facing historians for the past three hundred years: What were the causes of the English Civil War? What matters were responsible for the decisive split between Crown & Parliament into two distinct parties, and which ultimately led to civil war? Many theories and interpretations have been given. In this chapter, we will find that there are three major interpretations. The first is that it was a religious struggle - and so the Civil War became known as the 'Puritan Revolution'. The second is that it was a purely political conflict between the Crown and its Ministers, on the one hand, and the House of Commons, which had by then become the 'mirror' of the Puritan element in the country, on the other. And the third is that it was a class, or economic, war. Contemporary historians tended to regard it as a twofold struggle - a conflict over religion on the one hand, and the constitution on the other. It was they who coined the phrase 'Puritan Revolution'. This interpretation, however, has subsequently been challenged, in the light of the detailed research which has been conducted - especially in the field of economic history. And so the Civil War has been interpreted in terms of a social and economic conflict - it is said to be a class war. The social and economic factors have tended to become emphasized while the religious have been pushed into the background - often excluded altogether. It is my intention in this thesis, therefore, to assert once again the very real part played by religious matters in the origins of the English Civil War. Intro., p. 1.

During the third year of the Great War 1914-1918 Russia experienced the upheaval of revolution, precipitating the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II and installation of the Provisional Government in March, and culminating in the Bolshevik takeover of November, 1917. Due to the political, military, and economic chaos which accompanied the revolution Russia was unable to continue the struggle on the eastern front. Russia was not fighting the war against the Central Powers of Germany and Austria-Hungary alone, however, and her threat to capitulate was of the gravest concern to her Allies, Great Britain and France. In fact the disintegration of Russia's war effort was the pivotal issue around which Anglo-Russian relations revolved in 1917. Britain's war policy was dominated by the belief that the eastern front had to be maintained to achieve victory. It appeared that any interruption to the eastern front would allow Germany to reinforce her lines on the western front, then to win and control the economic destiny of Europe. Britain could not allow this to happen. This study focuses on the reportage from British diplomats and representatives in and outside of Russia to their superiors at the Foreign Office in London from December 1916 to December 1917. A vast wealth of documentation is available in the Foreign Office Correspondence. Analysis of these notes reveals certain trends which were dictated by the kaleidoscopic turn of events in Russia and the national ethos of these representatives. A minute analysis demonstrates a great diversity of opinion regarding the situation in Russia, ranging from optimism to pessimism and objectivity to prejudice in all phases of the year 1917. To a limited degree this diversity can be correlated with the geographical location and diplomatic status of the individual representatives. Above all it is clear that when historians quote from these sources, they choose the quotations which support the conclusions they have already reached because they know the outcome of the developments that they are describing. The individuals on the spot at the time were far less prescient and insightful. They were much more affected by their own historical prejudices and rumours, as well as the vagaries and short-term shifts of their immediate environment. Many of them believed in the great-man theory of history; a number attributed all developments and difficulties to some aspect of the Russian national character; some explained certain events during the year by conspiracies, especially of the Jews, with whom they tended to equate the Bolsheviks. Only a few were consistently solid and realistic in their appraisal of events, attributing them to factors favoured by our most respected historians. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

After seven months of diplomatic crisis following the shooting down of Russian fighter jet by the Turkish Armed Forces, Turkish-Russian relations entered into the process of reconciliation in June 2016. Few weeks later, Turkey faced with a coup attempt (July 15, 2016) which was a crucial turning point in Turkey's repositioning itself in the international politics. Deteriorating relations with the West and rapprochement with Russia have brought along debates with regards to Eurasianism as an alternative foreign policy orientation. In this regard, this thesis is dealing with the Patriotic Party's proposed Eurasianist idea, Kemalist Eurasianism, to put forth the idea's conceptual and contextual map by analysing and interpreting the works of Doğu Perinçek, chairman of the Patriotic Party, and the party's monthly journal, Teori, within the framework of conceptual history approach. In doing so, the thesis confronts the misconception of Kemalist Eurasianism as a derivation of Russian neo-Eurasianism and argues that the idea is originated from the Kemalist revolution and left-nationalist currents of thought historically. Thus, the thesis reveals that Kemalist Eurasianism primarily is a national agenda based on Kemalist principles of nationalism, etatism and populism, and is the international extension of...

[pt] Esta dissertação tem por objetivo investigar a teoria da revolução socialista de William Morris. Nascido em 1834, Morris produziu muitos trabalhos até o ano de 1896, quando morreu com 62 anos. O recorte temporal sob o qual se assenta minha pesquisa está compreendido entre os anos de 1883 e 1890, quando o autor filiou-se a uma organização revolucionária e decidiu dedicar os seus textos à transformação da sociedade inglesa oitocentista. As fontes que nos permitem visualizar a sua teoria apresentam-se em dois discursos diferentes: o panfletário e o ficcional. Em relação ao primeiro, Morris valeu-se de jornais vinculados às organizações revolucionárias para intervir nos debates públicos ingleses e, em meio a essa intervenção, construiu a sua teoria da revolução. Em 1890 a sua teoria estava completa, mas apareceu sob outra roupagem: atravessando o romance utópico Notícias de lugar nenhum. Diante do que foi exposto, é imperativo para esta dissertação compreender os discursos mobilizados pelo cidadão inglês para demonstrar qual foi o papel que eles exerceram nas suas intervenções políticas. Para alcançar esse objetivo, alguns conceitos se fazem importantes, como, por exemplo, o conceito de propaganda porque permitem que as fontes analisadas sejam compreendidas como um meio de atuar na realidade política da Inglaterra vitoriana. / [en] This dissertation aims to investigate the theory of socialist revolution of William Morris. Born in 1834, he produced many works until 1896, when he died at the age of 62. The time frame on which my research is based is between the years 1883 and 1890, when the author joined a revolutionary organization and decided to dedicate his texts to the transformation of the nineteenth century s English society. The sources that allow us to visualize his theory are presented in two different discourses: the pamphleteer and the fictional. Regarding the first, Morris used newspapers linked to revolutionary organizations to act in English public debates and, in the midst of this intervention, built his theory of revolution. In 1890 his theory was complete, but appeared under another guise: traversing the utopian novel News from Nowhere. Based on what was exposed, it is imperative for this dissertation to understand the discourses mobilized by the English citizen to demonstrate what role they played in their political interventions. To achieve this goal, some concepts are important, such as the concept of propaganda because they allow the sources analyzed to be understood as a means of acting in the political reality of Victorian England.

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Nel presente lavoro vengono indagati gli aspetti politici della teologia di Friedrich Gogarten durante l’arco temporale della Repubblica di Weimar. La ricerca si propone due obiettivi fondamentali. In primo luogo, in essa si vuole dimostrare la presenza di una discontinuità all’interno della teologia politica di Gogarten, i cui noti esiti conservatori e vicini al nazismo durante gli ultimi anni della repubblica vengono generalmente considerati dalla critica come impliciti nel suo pensiero precedente. Un’analisi dettagliata della produzione di Gogarten, condotta con un’attenzione particolare al contesto storico-culturale, mostrerà che il suo pensiero politico fino al biennio ‘27/’28 presenta, al contrario, elementi critici nei confronti di un pensiero politico autoritario e dell’ideologia delle nuove destre, ai quali si avvicinerà solo successivamente. Il secondo obiettivo è quello di rinvenire le cause di questa evoluzione del suo pensiero. L’ipotesi di questa ricerca è che essa sia maturata sul terreno dei rapporti di Gogarten con la Chiesa Luterana della Turingia, e che le idee conservatrici inizialmente abbracciate dal teologo in questo ambito lo abbiano spinto a sviluppare una visione sempre più reazionaria della politica e della società durante gli ultimi problematici anni della Repubblica di Weimar. / This work examines the political aspects of Friedrich Gogarten’s theology during the time span of the Weimar Republic. The research seeks two fundamental goals. In the first place, it aims at demonstrating the discontinuity within Gogarten’s political theology, whose well-known conservative outcomes, close to Nazism, in the last years of the republic are generally considered by scholarship as implicit in his earlier thought. An in-depth analysis of Gogarten’s production, with particular attention to the socio-cultural context, will rather show that until the two-year period ‘27/’28 his political thought presents critical elements against authoritarian political power and new right-wing ideologies, that he will embrace only later. The second aim is to find the causes of this evolution of his thought. The research hypothesis is that it matured on the ground of Gogarten’s relationship with the Lutheran church of Thuringia. The conservative ideas first embraced by the theologian brought him to develop an increasingly reactionary vision of politics and society during the last problematic years of the Weimar Republic.

The thesis challenges popular generalisations about the trades, occupations and locations to which pauper apprentices were consigned, shining the spotlight away from the familiar narrative of factory children, onto the fate of their destitute peers in port towns. A comparative investigation of Liverpool, Bristol and Southampton, it adopts a deliberately broad definition of the term pauper apprenticeship in its multi-sourced approach, using 1710 Poor Law and charity apprenticeship records and previously unexamined New Poor Law and charity correspondence to provide new insight into the chronology, mechanisms and experience of pauper apprenticeship. Not all port children were shipped out. Significantly more children than has hitherto been acknowledged were placed in traditional occupations, the dominant form of apprenticeship for port children. The survival and entrenchment of this type of work is striking, as are the locations in which children were placed; nearly half of those bound to traditional trades remained within the vicinity of the port. The thesis also sheds new light on a largely overlooked aspect of pauper apprenticeship, the binding of boys into the Merchant service. Furthermore, the availability of sea apprenticeships as well as traditional placements caused some children to be shipped in to the ports for apprenticeships. Of those who were still shipped out to the factories, the evidence shows that far from dying out, as previously thought, the practice of batch apprenticeship persisted under the New Poor Law. The most significant finding of the thesis is the survival and endurance of pauper apprenticeship as an institution involving both Poor Law and charity children. Poor children were still being apprenticed late into the third quarter of the nineteenth century. Pauper apprenticeship is shown to have been a robust, resilient and resurgent institution. The evidence from port towns offers significant revision to the existing historiography of pauper apprenticeship.

Orientador: Fernando Teixeira da Silva / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-14T22:02:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Chaves_MarceloAntonio_D.pdf: 4801054 bytes, checksum: fc6a079ec5703b5a3ea427e2e11f1c0e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: O robustecimento do aparelho de Estado no plano federal, principalmente com a criação do Ministério do Trabalho, Indústria e Comércio (MTIC), é fato já bem destacado pela historiografia. A minha pesquisa faz uma nova aproximação, a partir de perspectiva trazida por fontes inéditas, revelando um aspecto ainda não estudado: a criação do MTIC encontrou no estado de São Paulo, um órgão que exercia funções similares, justamente ali, onde a reação ao governo federal assumiu aspectos de guerra civil. O Departamento Estadual do Trabalho (DET) existia naquele estado desde 1911, possuía forte estrutura, foi modelar para o próprio MTIC e protagonizou episódios curiosos que bem refletem as tensões no processo de centralização política e econômica, no plano federal, que ainda carecem de estudos. Esta tese revela aspectos dessa ainda desconhecida e inusitada relação entre o DET e o MTIC no estado de São Paulo, no começo da década de 1930 e traça parte da trajetória histórica desse Departamento estadual, desde a sua criação, até a implantação do Estado Novo, em 1937, não obstante o DET só se extinguido em 1952. / Abstract: The strengthening of the state apparatus at the federal level, especially with the creation of the Ministry of Labor, Industry and Commerce (MTIC) is well highlighted by the historiography. My research is a new approach from a perspective brought by unpublished sources revealing an aspect not yet investigated: the creation of MTIC found an institution with similar functions in São Paulo state, exactly there, where the reaction to the federal government turned into a civil war. The State Department of Labor (DET) existed in São Paulo since 1911, had a strong structure, served as model for the MTIC and produced curious episodes that well reflect the tensions in the political and economic centralization at the federal level, which require further studies. This doctoral thesis reveals some aspects of this yet unknown and unusual relationship between the DET and the MTIC in São Paulo state in the early 1930's, and traces the historical trajectory of the Department of State, since its inception to the deployment of the Estado Novo in 1937, despite the DET only extinguished in 1952. / Doutorado / Historia Social do Trabalho / Doutor em História