Strategic communication planning and its requirements have evolved considerably over the past 20 years as a reflection of the needs of our changing world; people, technology and the requirement for military and civilian actors to work together. Nowhere has this change been more pronounced than with the development of international humanitarian intervention missions that necessarily involve military and international aid actors working in mutual dependence in areas of natural and man-made crises. Using the 2007-2011 period of the combined war and humanitarian intervention mission in Afghanistan, this study develops the requirements for a strategic communication plan for the humanitarian aspects of that mission with implications for practical reach to all long-term crises. It establishes the real from the ideal practices by the international community (military, humanitarian aid, international bodies) and, based on recommendations from the expert literature, presents a strategic communication planning format that guides both the practitioner and theoretician.

[pt] A dissertação pretende discutir o posicionamento do Brasil em face das transformações da agenda de segurança internacional no pós- Guerra Fria. Para tanto, serão realizados três movimentos. O primeiro movimento se refere à análise do desenvolvimento das normas de segurança coletiva desde a Guerra Fria até a emergência do conceito de Responsabilidade de Proteger (R2P), com especial ênfase na década de noventa e nas transformações normativas que autorizaram as práticas de intervenção humanitária. O segundo movimento tem por objetivo discutir, através do discurso da diplomacia brasileira, o posicionamento do Brasil com relação ao tema da intervenção e de peacebuilding, principalmente no governo do presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995- 2002). O terceiro movimento busca salientar, a partir dos discursos da diplomacia brasileira, as estratégias do governo Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003- 2010) que permitiram a participação brasileira no comando da Missão de Estabilização das Nações Unidas para o Haiti (MINUSTAH), em 2004, e um maior engajamento com a R2P, inclusive com a proposta de responsabilidade ao proteger (RWP). / [en] This dissertation explores the position of Brazil in view of the major transformations in international security agenda in the post-Cold War era. For this, three movements take place. The first movement is related to the analysis of the development of norms of collective security since the Cold War until the emergence of the concept of Responsibility to Protect (R2P), with special emphasis in the nineties and changes in norms that allowed the practice of humanitarian intervention. The second movement aims to discuss, through the discourse of Brazilian diplomacy, the position of Brazil on the issue of intervention and peacebuilding, especially under President Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002). The third movement aims to stress, from the speeches of Brazilian diplomacy, the government strategies of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) that allowed the participation of Brazil in charge of the Mission of the United Nations Stabilization for Haiti (MINUSTAH), in 2004, and a greater engagement with R2P, including the proposal of responsibility while protecting (RWP).

! The scope of this work is to critically assess the phenomenon of American interventions from the beginning of the post-Cold War era to the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Departing from the analysis of the question of why an argument liable to disproof was chosen for legitimizing on legal grounds the 2003 invasion of Iraq, I proceed to the analysis of the relation between legitimizing discourse employed by the American administration domestically, and the one employed in the context of international institutions. The first one is concluded to take precedence over the second - at least for what concerns the timeframe taken into consideration in this work. I then proceed to an analysis of the evolution of domestic legitimizing discourse from 1991 to 2003, providing a dialectic evolutionary model. Finally, competing theoretical interpretations of the phenomenon are tested against the findings of the research.

This thesis explores the relationship between regime types and international humanitarian nongovernmental organizations. Investigating 12 African regimes, varying between the governing types of autocratic and democratic over the last 50 years, and three specific humanitarian INGOs, I search to see if there is one regime type that works the best with this type of INGO. Using INGO presence, amount of funding, and amount of volunteers from each INGO in each country, I measure the presence of INGOs in democracies and autocracies. Compiling both an aggregate view of all 12 countries, and a disaggregate view of 4 individual countries, with investigative case studies, I discover that democracies are not the regime type that works the best with these INGOs. Contrary to the assumption made by most, that democracies do work best with humanitarian INGOs and should have the greatest INGO presence, I find this not to be the case. Rather, by grouping these regimes cohesively into four categories (autocracy, democracy, interruption, and transition), I find that democracy has the least amount of INGO presence, and very low numbers regarding the amount of funding and number of volunteers. Autocracies, interruption, and transition countries have greater INGO presence. In addition, as this question evolved over the course of writing it, other questions had to be asked and other variables considered. Issues of access, demands and needs of a country, and the domestic political environment all had to be enveloped into this question.

No description available.

Humanitarian intervention has long been a secondary or tertiary concern in a security driven international system. Since NATO's intervention during the Kosovo crisis in 1999 there have been significant developments in both the language and form of humanitarian intervention as a matter of international law. The events in Kosovo sparked debate about how to handle humanitarian crisis in the future and thus humanitarian intervention evolved into a redefinition of sovereignty as responsibility and the Responsibility to Protect. The Responsibility to Protect has had a number of opportunities to continue to evolve and assert itself in an international legal context throughout the ensuing years since the Kosovo intervention. The purpose of this research is to explore the moral, legal and practical implications of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine. Classical and contemporary theories of international relations and moral philosophy are applied in the context of the Responsibility to Protect and its effect upon the international system and specific states to cultivate a sense of the development of the norm and different actors' attitudes towards it. A literature review is conducted to show the practical and conceptual issues inherent in the framework of the Responsibility to Protect. The norm is then applied to the cases of Kosovo, Libya, and Syria to assess its effect in practice and determine its origins. The analysis of these case studies leads to a number of conclusions regarding its effectiveness and future application. The case studies chosen for this research are Kosovo, Libya, and Syria. The case of Kosovo helps to establish a humanitarian intervention framework, the need for redefinition, and the beginning of the Responsibility to Protect. Libya shows the first strong case for the positive application of the Responsibility to Protect in a practical sense. The non-intervention in Syria shows the difficult political issues involved in intervention and presents uncertainty as to the positive develop of the norm. These cases clearly show the myriad of practical challenges to RtoP that are borne out the theoretical, moral issues embedded in its philosophy. The conclusion drawn from the literature review and subsequent case studies is that the current efforts to assert the Responsibility to Protect are aimed at the wrong areas of international law and states, and that the norm is not developing positively in a linear pattern. To successfully promote its acceptance the Responsibility to Protect must build institutional linkages to make intervention more cost effective, exercise the regional options available to promote and ensure the legitimacy of intervention, and assure the acceptance of RtoP by the major powers in the Security Council.

This research makes use of a Constructivist approach to norm development, in particular the concept of the norm life cycle, to assess the emergence and development of the responsibility to protect as a norm in international society in relation to the conduct of interventions on humanitarian grounds. This study finds that the responsibility to protect emerged relatively rapidly in international society as a norm relevant to the formulation and implementation of international responses to conflict situations characterised by the commission of atrocity crimes. Indeed, between 2001 and 2010, this study finds that the responsibility to protect norm became codified and entrenched in international organisation, and could therefore have been expected to influence state behaviour, and the discourse surrounding that behaviour, in relation to the conduct of interventions on humanitarian grounds. However, through an assessment of the application of the norm through the United Nations and the African Union to the conflicts in the Darfur region of Sudan from 2003 onwards, the study finds that the norm, while featuring relatively prominently in discourse surrounding Darfur between 2007 and 2008 in the United Nations, appears to have receded thereafter, disappearing from discourse by 2009 altogether, and appears not to have been useful to the attainment of its content goal, namely preventing or halting the commission of atrocity crimes, in the case of Darfur. Indeed, the norm may even have contributed to complicating, as opposed to facilitating, international engagement on Darfur. This study explores the apparent contradiction between the emergence and entrenchment of the responsibility to protect norm in international society at the same time as the norm appears to have increasingly faded from discourse surrounding international responses to the conflicts in Darfur, and assesses the implications of this both for the future development and utility of the norm, as well as for future responses to conflicts characterised by atrocity crimes on the African continent.

This thesis develops a potential strategy for carrying out humanitarian intervention in Syria using the legal justification and policy framework of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine.

This dissertation examines the history of humanitarianism in international relations by tracing the relationship between moral obligation and sovereignty from the 16th century to the present. Its main argument is that moral obligations and sovereignty are mutually constitutive, in contrast to a widely held assumption in international relations scholarship that they are opposed to each other. The dissertation’s main theoretical contribution is to develop a framework, using a genealogical method of inquiry, for understanding the relationship between sovereignty and the shifting boundaries of moral obligation during the Westphalian period. This approach makes it possible to identify both elements of continuity and change in the history of humanitarianism and practices of sovereignty. The first chapter demonstrates how the extant literature on sovereignty and humanitarianism fails to adequately account for how states have participated in the construction of new moral boundaries even as they have sought to assert their own sovereignty. Chapter two lays out the dissertation’s theoretical framework, first by outlining an identity-based understanding of sovereignty in relationship to moral obligation, and then discussing the genealogical method that is used in three case studies. The following three chapters contain the dissertation’s empirical contributions, which are three historical cases that represent pivotal moments in the history of moral obligation and sovereignty. Chapter three examines the assistance offered by Elizabeth I to Huguenot refugees from 1558-1603, and relates England’s moral obligations towards Huguenots to the emergence of a sovereign English confessional state. Chapter four examines the relationship between British abolitionist arguments against slavery in the 19th century, and justifications for the extension of empire. Chapter five examines the emergence and evolution of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine since 2001, whose advocates posit a modified conception of sovereignty that is explicitly tied to moral obligation. The concluding chapter discusses how the dissertation accounts for both the rise of humanitarianism and the persistence of sovereignty in international relations, as well as provides some reflections on areas for future research.

The thesis focuses on the responsibility to protect as a new concept of the international law designed to help the members of the international community in dealing with humanitarian crisis. Although it is quite new, it has undertaken dynamic evolution and changed its nature to a certain extent. The main aim of responsibility to protect is to ensure that when massive violations of human rights occur, the effective and proportionate response will come and will stop the violations and prevent them from appearing again in the future. First, the debate about state sovereignty and human rights protection was presented and the relevant fields of research were defined. This was followed by the examination of the humanitarian intervention as this concept focuses on issues that are common also to the concept of the responsibility to protect. However, whereas the issues are in common, the perspective is different. While the humanitarian intervention focuses mainly on states, the responsibility to protect focuses on populations striving from human rights violations. While humanitarian intervention deals with the reaction on humanitarian crisis, the responsibility to protect deals mainly with the prevention of the crisis. While the humanitarian intervention places the sovereignty and human rights protection...