This thesis examines the Scottish Presbyterian Churches anti-Irish campaign in the inter-war period with particular emphasis on the governmental response. It can, and has been, argued that the Church campaign was driven more by sectarian sentiment than by any other motive, however, the Church made a determined attempt to make their case on racial grounds. Discredited as those theories now are this thesis will carefully examine intellectual basis of the Church’s case. It has not thus far been considered how much the Church’s arguments were influenced by academic opinion in the United States and by the American experience of immigration restriction. It has also been argued that politically the campaign was a failure as no measures to restrict Irish immigration were ever imposed. Equally, it has been held that politicians of all parties were either hostile or indifferent to the Church campaign. It will be demonstrated here that this was far from the case and that the Church had its supporters on all sides of the political divide and that at various times the issue was seriously considered by Governments whether Unionist, Labour or National and that arguments for restriction did not emanate solely from the Scottish Churches or indeed solely from Scotland.

No description available.

This thesis interrogates the website BlueServo.net through a neoliberal framework with a focus on surveillance theory. BlueServo is a site that registers users as "Virtual Deputies" and allows them to file reports with U.S. Border Patrol on activity observed through camera feeds trained on the U.S.-Mexico Border. Employing textual analysis of the site and its attendant Facebook page, four thematic categories emerge for analysis: Labor, Entertainment, State, and Social Sorting. This thesis concludes with a discussion of the site in relation to reality TV and video game culture and the future of increasingly sophisticated and widely accessible digital surveillance as applied to social minorities.

Les cohortes d’immigrants maghrébins arrivés au Québec entre les décennies 1970 et 1990 arrivent progressivement à l’âge de la retraite. Pour la plupart issus de la catégorie de l’immigration économique, mais aussi venus comme étudiants, réfugiés, ou via le regroupement familial pour une proportion moindre d’entre eux, leurs motivations à quitter le Maghreb dépassaient les seules raisons économiques. Leur objectif était plus globalement d’améliorer leurs conditions de vie ainsi que celles de leurs enfants. Ces Maghrébins ont choisi le plus souvent Montréal comme lieu de vie, ville devenant le lieu d’un parcours migratoire truffé d’embuches, de défis mais aussi de réussites et de résilience. Les Maghrébins de Montréal ont suivi un parcours professionnel long et souvent difficile, à des degrés variables selon chacun. Leur insertion professionnelle sur le marché du travail québécois les a souvent menés vers la voie de la déqualification alors qu'ils ont été sélectionnés principalement en fonction de leurs diplômes et de leur expérience professionnelle, dans le cas des immigrants économiques. Les obstacles à leur insertion professionnelle sont nombreux, comme la non reconnaissance de leurs diplômes, la méconnaissance de l’anglais, les barrières à l’entrée des ordres professionnels, ou encore l’absence de réseaux professionnels à leur arrivée. Cette population immigrante arrive, donc, progressivement à la retraite, période qu’il est de plus en plus nécessaire de planifier comme l’encourage l’État québécois. La planification de la retraite représente un effort fait dans le but d’éviter que des problèmes majeurs ne se développent dans le futur. Cette planification est affectée par les carrières discontinues et par la lutte contre les problèmes d’adaptation, des éléments auxquels font justement face de nombreux immigrants originaires du Maghreb. Cette étude vise à mettre en évidence l’influence des trajectoires professionnelles des immigrants maghrébins de Montréal sur leur capabilité à planifier leur retraite. La capabilité est, selon Amartya Sen, la liberté réelle dont jouit un individu pour effectuer tel ou tel fonctionnement, ici la planification de leur retraite. En plus de l’approche par les capabilités de Sen, cette recherche se fonde également sur la théorie des parcours de vie, qui propose une analyse du développement individuel en fonction de l’intentionnalité des individus ainsi que des contextes sociaux, culturels et historiques dans lesquels ils évoluent. L’enquête de terrain a été réalisée durant l’année 2016, au cours de laquelle 22 récits de vie ainsi que deux groupes de discussion ont été réalisés auprès de femmes et d’hommes originaires du Maroc, de l’Algérie et de la Tunisie âgés de plus de 50 ans et vivant au Québec depuis plus de 20 ans. De ces heures de discussion en face à face avec des personnes aux divers profils découlent plusieurs résultats. Il ressort que les trajectoires professionnelles des Maghrébins établis à Montréal influencent effectivement leur capabilité à planifier leur retraite, et ce à plusieurs niveaux. Les facteurs professionnels qui viennent influencer cette capabilité sont le salaire, la continuité de la carrière professionnelle, le niveau de connaissances financières, le type d’emploi, le domaine professionnel ainsi que la sécurité de l’emploi. D’autres facteurs non professionnels viennent peser dans la balance au niveau de la planification de la retraite, à savoir les stratégies familiales, les rôles sociaux de genre, le sentiment d’appartenance au Québec et au Canada, le genre, l’âge, la catégorie d’immigration, la culture d’origine ainsi que le degré d’acculturation, la représentation de la retraite et la philosophie de vie. / Abstract : Maghrebian immigrants who arrived in Quebec between 1970 and 1990 are gradually entering their retirement age. Most of them were motivated for economic reasons, but also came as students, refugees, or through family members in a lesser proportion. However, reasons for leaving the Maghreb were not strictly limited to economic considerations. Overall, their objective was to improve their living conditions as well as their children‘s. Most of the Maghrebians chose Montreal as their living place, where their migratory journey was full of pitfalls, challenges but also marked by success and resilience. Such as mentioned by each of them, the professional careers of Maghrebians living in Montreal were often long and difficult to varying degrees. In the case of economic immigrants, their insertion on the Quebec employment market has often led them toward professional deskilling, while they were primarily selected according to their qualifications and professional experience. Obstacles to their professional insertion are numerous, such as the non-recognition of their diplomas, insufficient knowledge of English, barriers to their recognition by a professional order, and the lack of professional network upon their arrival. This immigrant population is gradually entering its retirement age. Becoming more and more necessary, retirement planning is strongly encouraged by the Quebec government in an effort to avoid major problems in the future. This planning is affected by discontinuous careers and problems of integration in the host country, situations with which Maghrebians must deal with in their everyday life. This study aims at highlighting the influence of career paths of Maghrebian immigrants living in Montreal on their capability to plan their retirement. According to Amartya Sen, capability is the actual freedom enjoyed by an individual to achieve something, which is retirement planning in the current research. In addition to Sen‘s capability approach, this doctoral research is based on the life-course theory, which provides an analysis of individual development according to the intentionality of individuals and the social, cultural and historical contexts in which they evolve. viii The field survey was conducted in the course of 2016, during which 22 life stories and two focus groups were made with Moroccans, Algerians and Tunisians women and men aged 50 years and older who have been living in Quebec for over 20 years. Several outcomes stem from these faceto- face discussions with these persons men from varied backgrounds. It appears clearly that the career paths of Maghrebians living in Montreal actually affect their capability to plan their retirement at several levels. Professional factors that influence this capability are: the salary, career continuity, financial knowledge, the type of job, the professional field, and job security. Non-professional factors must also be considered when it comes to retirement planning, namely family strategies, societal gender roles, the sense of belonging to Quebec and Canada, gender, age, category of immigration, culture of origin as well as the degree of acculturation, representation of retirement and philosophy of life.

La présente recherche porte sur l’histoire du Regroupement ethnoculturel de parents francophones de l’Ontario (REPFO), un organisme de la communauté ethnoculturelle francophone dont le mandat consiste à représenter les parents dans leurs relations avec les autorités scolaires de la ville d’Ottawa, au Canada. Nous nous proposons d’explorer le contexte historique de l’arrivée des immigrantes et immigrants francophones venus d’Afrique et d’analyser leur intégration dans le milieu francophone minoritaire en Ontario. Plus spécifiquement, cette thèse explore l’histoire du REPFO depuis la fin des années 1990 jusqu’en 2010. Le cadre théorique sur lequel se base notre étude s’inspire des idées de Charles Taylor sur le besoin de reconnaissance égalitaire dans une société démocratique et multiculturelle ainsi que sur les complexités du phénomène de l’intégration d’une minorité au sein d’une autre minorité. Notre recherche nous conduit à aborder quatre questions de recherche. Dans un premier temps, nous analysons le discours public au sujet de l’intégration des nouveaux arrivants ethnoculturels francophones. Cela nous amène, dans un deuxième temps, à une analyse des perceptions des représentants du REPFO au sujet du système scolaire contrôlé par les Franco-Ontariens. Nous considérons, par la suite, les différentes tentatives de rapprochement du REPFO auprès des instances éducatives des communautés d’accueil. Pour finir, nous nous penchons sur les implications sociales, politiques et idéologiques de la reconnaissance (ou son absence) des francophones issus de minorités ethnoculturelles dans le processus de leur intégration aux communautés d’accueil franco-ontariennes. Si les élèves sont au coeur de ce processus d’intégration, il convient de souligner que les parents sont également impliqués, dans la mesure où ils sont amenés à jouer un rôle clé dans la gouvernance scolaire des écoles de leurs enfants. Nous concluons par une réflexion sur le conflit, d’une part, entre la valeur de l’apport démographique de l’immigration et, d’autre part, par les difficultés liées à un certain écart entre les référents identitaires collectifs des communautés franco-ontariennes et de ceux des des francophones issus de minorités ethnoculturelles. / This thesis looks at the history of an organized group in the Francophone ethnocultural community which claims to represent parents in their interactions with the school authorities in the city of Ottawa, Canada. To be more specific, the research looks at the origin and development of the Regroupement ethnoculturel de parents francophones de l’Ontario, the REPFO, during its short 10 year history. Since the 1990's, there has been an influx of Francophone African immigrants who strive to integrate into the minority French-language community in Ontario. The theoretical framework begins with the ideas of Charles Taylor regarding the vital human need for recognition in a truly democratic and multicultural society as well as the complexities of minorities integrating into minorities. The thesis examines the topic through four thematic questions. The first question explores public discourse on the subject of the integration of ethnocultural Francophones. This leads to the second question which analyses the perceptions of the main people behind the REPFO regarding the Franco-Ontarian school system. The third question explores the various efforts by the REPFO to integrate the school system of the host community and the final question seeks to understand the social, political and ideological implications of the recognition (or the absence thereof) of those ethnocultural Francophones by the host Franco-Ontarian community. The integration of immigrants into the school system not only relates to the children, but also to the parents who are challenged to play an active role in school governance. The conclusion highlights the conflict between the demographic advantages of the influx of immigrants versus the complexity arising from issues of collective identity by the host community as well as on the part of the immigrants.

This thesis investigates the relationship between the self image and the degree of assimilation in children. There are two parts to the hypothesis: firstly, there are self image characteristics which are common to members of one national group that distinguish them from members of other national groups, and secondly, these distinguishing characteristics decrease as the members of one national group become assimilated with another national group. The hypothesis was tested in the Vancouver shool system. An interviewing program was undertaken with three matched groups of school children: German immigrants, settled Canadians, and migrant Canadians. The purpose of the first two groups was to form a basis on which to compare the self images of children who were well assimilated and children who were poorly assimilated. The main function of the third group was to provide a basis on which to distinguish any self image characteristics which may be common to all children who are 'uprooted' and not only to children who immigrate to another country. If such characteristics were found they could not be regarded as distinguishing characteristics of any one national group. The self images of the Canadian and German children were found to differ in their social and institutional identification. The poorly assimilated German children identified mainly within the home and family; while the Canadian children identified within many additional institutions and people. As the German children became better assimilated their identification broadened. Therefore, a limited amount of evidence was found to support both parts of the hypothesis. / Arts, Faculty of / Sociology, Department of / Graduate

No description available.

Before, after and during the Brexit referendum in the UK immigration has been one of the most popular topics, which politicians discussed in their campaigns. Some of them were supporting the immigrants from the EU, arguing that they were bringing up the economy in the country, helping out the NHS and public services, and supporting the image of the multi- cultural society in the UK. However, others were saying that immigrants were stealing jobs, making unemployment rate higher and salaries lower. Immigration is still a very sensitive topic in the British society, ever since Brexit happened. This master thesis deals with the Discourse analysis of five main British political parties and the way they talked about immigration in their pre-Brexit speeches and campaigns. The main focus of the research is on understanding, whether immigration was indeed as important during the Brexit debate and also whether some of the UK's political parties tried to form a negative image of immigrants in British society. The analysis bases on the Political Marketing theory and is done by collecting the data out of the primary sources (such as speeches, campaigns and web-sites of the parties), and using the qualitative analysis on them.

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Arts University of Zululand fulfillment of the requirement for the Degree of Masters of Arts in Clinical Psychology 2000. / South Africa has the most restrictive attitudes towards immigration and immigrants of any country that has been surveyed in the world (Mattes, McDonald, Poore Richmond 1999)). There are an estimated ten to fifteen million immigrants in South Africa (Buthelezi 1996). Immigrants are generally seen as a threat to jobs and houses and are often accused of committing crime. There were rumors of racism and xenophobia at the University of Zululand to which the Rector published a circular denouncing such attitudes. To determine whether there was xenophobia at me University of Zululand, questionnaires were sent to South African Lectures, asking them about their attitudes towards immigrants. Twenty-two Lectures responded to the questionnaires. Total scores and mean scores were calculated. Scores tailing below the mean indicated negative attitudes, while those felling above the mean indicated positive attitudes. Unlike studies by Mattes et all (1999), Smedley (1977) and Matshazi (1997), where South Africans were found to have negative attitudes towards immigrants, lecturers at the University of Zululand were generally found to have positive attitudes towards immigrants.

This dissertation project unpacks a micro- and macro-level behavioral quandary: the constraint of member-level motivations on majority party agenda setting strategies, existing in policy contexts that generate internal divisions within political parties. In particular, I do this through the lens of immigration reform. At the micro-level, I explore the district-level mechanisms that drive House members’ voting behavior on roll-calls that expand/contract immigration rights. I argue that the existing decision-making literature on immigration policy has paid scant attention to an important district-level factor: industry demand for immigrant labor. Models of legislative behavior surrounding immigration policy have, to date, largely focused on the descriptive characteristics of constituencies, often overlooking the moneyed interests that benefit from immigrant labor. The micro-level examines the interplay between district-level industry preferences and district-level economic concerns relating to the presence of immigrants (e.g., welfare, healthcare, low-skill labor market). I analyze final passage, immigration-related roll-calls during the 88th to 112th Congresses. I find that the greater the district-level industry demand for immigrant labor, the more likely a House member is to expand immigration rights generally; and, as days to an election decrease, this effect is magnified. Furthermore, the member’s party affiliation offers less predictive power (relative to other policy domains) regarding the member’s support/opposition to expanding immigration rights, especially in the modern era; thus, making parties unstable coalitions in immigration policy. At the macro-level, I further examine the consequences of these individual-level forces on agenda setting strategies. I unpack the strategic considerations of U.S. House majorities in structuring the agenda on immigration reform. Subject to multiple, potentially competing principals, rank-and-file legislators often face difficult countervailing forces in this policy domain (e.g., well-organized lobbies, advocacy groups, and constituency pressures), all of which generate internal divisions within political parties. These divisions present unique challenges to party leaders when setting the legislative agenda, as they seek to forward legislation that is likely to yield policy victories to a (relatively) cohesive majority party. Under what conditions, then, does the majority party push immigration bills to the floor? I rely on the logic of a cartelized agenda and conduct a multinomial logistic regression analysis, arguing that individual-level dynamics affect support for policies, and the results of variation at the aggregate-level increase support for bills to make it onto the agenda. My findings support aid argument and offer important insights into the incremental changes that occur in the immigration policy domain. In totality, this project helps to bridge the legislative behavior and agenda setting literatures with the literature on public policy. I look at these literatures through the lens of immigration policy – a unique and salient domain. / Political Science