Thesis (M. A.)--University of Canterbury, 2006. / Typescript (photocopy). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 173-184). Also available via the World Wide Web.

abstract: A perceived link between illegal immigration and crime continues to exist. Citizens continue to believe that immigration creates crime and fear that as the immigrant population grows, their safety is jeopardized. Not much research in the field of criminology, however, has focused on examining this perceived relationship between immigration and crime. Those studies which have examined the relationship have mainly relied on official data to conduct their analysis. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the relationship between immigration and crime by examining self report data as well as some official data on immigration status and criminal involvement. More specifically, this thesis examines the relationship between immigration status and four different types of criminal involvement; property crimes, violent crimes, drug sales, and drug use. Data from a sample of 1,990 arrestees in the Maricopa County, Arizona, was used to conduct this analysis. This data was collected through the Arizona Arrestee Reporting Information Network over the course of a year. The results of the logistic regression models indicate that immigrants tend to commit less crime than U.S. citizens. Furthermore, illegal immigrants are significantly less likely than U.S. citizens to commit any of the four types of crimes, with the exception of powder cocaine use. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.S. Criminology and Criminal Justice 2011

Among the different immigration streams in Canada- family reunification, economic immigrants and refugee protection- newcomers have cited diverse experiences. This is problematic since Canada has a goal of increasing its population to a hundred million within the next seventy-eight years (Century Initiative, 2020). Sixty-two million new Canadians facing inconsistent settlement experiences would be considered a failure of this policy (Century Initiative, 2020). The literature of integration in Canada diverges into two streams: economic model of conformity and socio-cultural. According to the literature, Canada’s immigration policies use more of an economic conformity model than a socio-cultural conformity model of integration, with the former more widely cited. The strength of Canada’s economic conformity model was challenged when comparing immigration policies and immigrant outcomes with Australia and New Zealand. Using a case-oriented comparative analysis, performance indicators demonstrated that Canada had the strongest socio-cultural integration policies between the three cases. These findings were triangulated by a document analysis of Immigration, Refugee and Citizenship Canada’s departmental plans and performance reports from 1998 till 2020. Analyzing the evolution of immigration policies across the different streams found that the federal government decentralized policies and programs to the provincial level. This allowed newcomers to better adapt to the needs and environment of their specific provinces, confirming Canada’s socio-cultural approach to integration. Canada’s strength in its immigration policy resulted in the federal government’s ability to decentralize programs and policies to the provincial level such as welcoming and integrating new immigrants. The document analysis also found inconsistencies with performance indicators measuring integration across the three streams: economic immigrants were only assessed on economic integration factors whereas family reunified immigrants and refugees were only assessed on socio-cultural integration indicators. / Graduate

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The primary purpose of this thesis is to analyse the Swedish Trade Union Confederation, the LO’s, mediated rhetoric, arguments and social and institutional practices in the process of forming the LO’s policy regarding the introduction, incorporation and participation of immigrants in Swedish society in general, the workplace and the trade union movement in the period 1945–1981. The theoretical purpose is to explore how power relations of superiority and subordination based primarily on the categories of class, ethnicity and nation, but also on gender and to some extent generation, have been formed through ideological processes of inclusion and boundary drawing in rhetorical speeches, texts and institutional practices within the framework of an explicit class-based community as the LO constituted. The results demonstrate that the LO had an ambivalent attitude towards labour immigration in an expanding post-war Swedish economy. On the one hand the trade unions accepted that industrial growth and general welfare reforms were dependent on the labour supply. On the other hand, the LO feared that uncontrolled labour immigration would be a disadvantage for indigenous workers, since wages could be kept low and obsolete industrial sectors could be maintained and the “solidarity wage policy” could be endangered because of the influx of migrant labour. Organising the immigrants was a central part of the union movement’s strategy, and the LO also insisted from the very beginning on equal wages and employment conditions between indigenous and immigrant workers to avoid wage pressures. During the second half of the 1960s and the 1970s, the LO repeatedly argued that the scale of immigration should be weighted against factors such as access to work, housing, social services, education and language teahcing. One major argument in the thesis is that within the LO, immigration policy measures were perceived to be a functional “adaptation” of immigrants to the already defined institutions, norms and national culture of the Swedish majority society. Accordingly, the immigrants were expected to adapt themselves to the “normal” Swedish and social democratic way of doing things in a rational and organised manner. During the 1970s, Swedish language training and company introduction with union attendance, translated information bulletins about the Swedish labour market and society, union courses and study circles could be seen as central means in a process of socialisation and “normalisation”. These policy measures were dimensions of a social democratic ideological identity project within the trade union movement, which was constructed as a symbol of the given national order and “the Swedish way of doing things”. The results also demonstrate how class, ethnicity, nation and gender have worked as structuring principles of power and status within the LO.

Thesis (M. Soc. Sc.)--University of Hong Kong, 1984.

Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)--University of Hong Kong, 1984. / Also available in print.

Alors que les étrangers n’ont plus été les bienvenus suite aux bouleversements économiques et sociaux consécutifs à la fin de Trente Glorieuses, que la France a pris diverses mesures pour endiguer le flot de l’immigration, il est aujourd’hui évident, au vu de la recrudescence des discriminations, que le pays doit trouver une alternative à une politique d’intégration dont l’universalisme ne parvient plus à garantir les valeurs françaises fondatrices de la Nation. En s’appuyant, grâce à l’outil du Conseil des Résidents Etrangers, sur des associations référées à l’immigration, la politique d’intégration de Strasbourg s’inscrit de façon originale dans cette discussion: elle permet d’utiliser comme ressources des groupes fondés sur des identités particulières afin d’entrer dans des négociations ou des débats politiques et sociaux. Mais la politique est un art, selon G. BOUTHOUL (1967) et la communication politique vise à faire adhérer l’électeur à des perceptions publiques orientées (J. GERSTLE, 2004). Dans notre société, où la diversité est largement prônée, il est judicieux pour Strasbourg de mettre en évidence une politique d’intégration basée sur la différence. Le CRE devient tribune de la Ville et stratégie électorale. Notre objectif est alors de saisir dans quelle mesure la politique d’intégration menée par Strasbourg s’inscrit dans une stratégie de communication. / While foreigners were no longer welcome in response to economic shocks and social consecutive late-warboom, that France has taken various measures to stem the flow of immigration, it is now obvious, given the resurgence of racism, anti-Semitism or discrimination, that the country needs an alternative to a policy of integration whose universalism is no longer able to guarantee the fundamental French values and founding of the nation. Relying on associations referred to immigration found by using a tool of the Council of foreign residents (CRE), the integration policy of Strasbourg fits as original in this discussion: it allows the use of groups based on particular identities as resource to enter into negotiations or political and social debates. But politics is an art, according to G. BOUTHOUL (1967) and political communication aims to make the voter join public oriented perceptions (J. GERSTLE, 2004). In our society, where diversity wins by being promoted by the Right-wing as well as Left-wing, it is judicious for Strasbourg to bring out an integration policy based on the difference. The CRE becomes tribune of the City and electoral strategy. Based on our qualitative study, we aim to understand the extent of the integration policy conducted by the City of Strasbourg in the communication strategy.

No description available.

This thesis explores discourse of the Sweden Democrats around the issue of immigration and provides an overview of changes that occurred in Sweden Democrats’ rhetoric and argumentation from National election in 2010 until the election in 2014. The study offers an analytical contribution to the field of media and communication and provides readers with the insight of right wing online activism. Qualitative in its core, and based on the theory of framing, the study analyzed video material uploaded by the Sweden Democrats on their official Youtube channel. Results are organized thematically in the way in which party framed the issue of immigration (threat to a national identity, the cause of criminal actions, unemployment and welfare abuse). The Sweden Democrats use their YouTube page as a tool for alternative political communication. The findings indicate a major shift in their rhetoric about the issue of immigration from sharp criticism of mass immigration on religious and cultural grounds toward criticism based on economical and financial grounds. On their journey towards more democratic norms, the Sweden Democrats sought to give an impression of new, changed party, distant from racial roots by employing ‘softened’ rhetoric and blowing a ‘dog whistle’.