This thesis examines the federal government’s progression in implementing the Secure Communities program. The Secure Communities program was initiated by the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) in 2008 as a pilot program in only fourteen jurisdictions nation-wide. As of the writing of this thesis, four years following the initiation of the program, S-Comm. has been implemented in over 1700 jurisdictions nation-wide and it is set to be implemented in all local jurisdictions nationally by the end of 2013 (Immigration and Customs Enforcement, 2012). Although local law enforcement agencies had long shared the fingerprints of those they arrested with the FBI, the FBI now forwards this information to the DHS through S-Comm. who then checks the fingerprints against the Automated Biometric Identification System known as IDENT—a fingerprint database containing information on over 91 million individuals, including travelers, applicants for immigration benefits, and immigrants who have previously violated immigration laws. ICE then supposedly reviews their records to see if the person arrested is deportable. If they believe they are, or want to further interrogate them, ICE will issue a detainer. The detainer is a request to the local police to inform federal immigration authorities when the arrestee will be released from custody and to hold the individual for up to two days for transfer to ICE (The Chief Justice, 2011). This process is considered to be the most advanced form of file sharing between local authorities and federal immigration authorities yet. The focus of this endeavor is to evaluate whether this program has been effective in doing as its title maintains. If this program is one that the American people, documented or not, have to endure then it is important that we ask: has Secure Communities made American communities safer? Recent data collected on the program, reports of mass opposition to the initiative by local law enforcement officials throughout the country, and numerous personal accounts of discriminatory harassment of mostly Spanish-speaking Americans by federal immigration agents and state and local law enforcement officials participating in Secure Communities collectively demonstrate that this program has failed in making American communities more secure. / text

abstract: This study analyzes how current U.S. immigration enforcement policy has been carried out, specifically under the implementation of the Secure Communities (S-Comm) program. Paying special attention to the enforcement-only policy hysteria and immigration patchwork trend since the 2000s, this study has the following research questions: (1) whether S-Comm has faithfully implemented enforcement actions for removing "dangerous" criminal noncitizens; (2) how counties with different immigration perspectives have responded to such an immigration enforcement program; and (3) whether the implementation of S-Comm has really made local communities safer as in the program goal. For analysis, 541 counties were selected, and their noncitizen enforcement results under S-Comm were analyzed with 5 time points, covering a 13-month period (Dec. 2011 - Jan. 2013) with longitudinal data analyses. In spite of the rosy advertisement of this program, analysis of S-Comm showed a very different picture. Unlike the federal immigration agency's promise of targeting dangerous criminal noncitizens, 1 in 4 noncitizen removals were for noncriminal violations, and more than half of noncitizen deportations were for misdemeanor charges and immigration violations in the name of "criminal aliens." Based on latent class analysis, three distinct subgroups of counties having different immigration enforcement policy perspectives were extracted, and there have been huge local variations over time on two key intergovernmental enforcement actions under the implementation of S-Comm: immigration detainer issuances and noncitizen deportations. Finally, unlike the federal immigration agency's "immigrant-crime nexus" assumption for legitimating the implementation of S-Comm, no significant and meaningful associations between these two factors were found. With serious conflicts and debates among policy actors on the implementation of S-Comm, this program was finally terminated in November 2014; although, the essence of the policy continues under a different name. A series of results from this study indicate that the current enforcement-only policy approach has been wrongfully implemented, and fundamental reconsideration of immigration policy should be made. Enforcement-focused immigration policy could not solve fundamental immigration-related problems, including why noncitizens immigrate and how they should be dealt with as humans. More rational and humane approaches to dealing with immigration should be discussed at the national and local levels. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Public Administration 2015

The United States is in the midst of demographic transformation that will continue to diversify the cultural, ethnic, racial, and linguistic landscape of the country. Within the last decade, millions of immigrant families have emigrated to the U.S. to escape tremendous hardships in their native countries. These families are guided by the hope of creating a stable, safe, and comfortable environment for their children. Unfortunately, the pathway to citizenship and authorized entry into the U.S. is convoluted (Kremer, Moccio,& Hammell, 2009) and families are frequently assigned wait times that can last several years (U.S. Department of State, 2013). These very long wait times are an unfortunate reality for several families, which is one of the many reasons some families enter the U.S. without authorization. Upon arrival into the U.S., many immigrant families experience anti-immigrant attitudes, prejudicial law enforcement practices, and feel socially isolated. The U.S. born children of these immigrant families are at risk for being separated from their parents who lack authorized resident status. In this regard, over 100,000 parents of U.S. citizen children were deported between 1998 and 2007 (U.S. Department of Homeland Security, 2012). However, little is known about how these children cope with the loss of their parents. To date, no research has been conducted that measures the psychosocial impact of parental absence because of aggressive immigration enforcement. Thus, a patent need exists for research on the psychosocial implications of parental absence in a child's life because of deportation. This study addressed the psychosocial impact of parental loss because of aggressive immigration enforcement. All participants of this study completed a demographic questionnaire and two technically adequate standardized psychosocial assessments that measured emotional symptoms. A two-group independent samples design was employed that included a sample of youth who were homeless because their parents were impacted by immigration and customs enforcement and a sample of youth who were homeless for other reasons. The present study sought to answer the following questions: Are there significant differences in emotional symptoms between youth who are living on their own as a result of immigration enforcement in comparison to those youth who are living on their own for other reasons? Are there significant differences in emotional symptoms between U.S. citizen and non-U.S. citizen youth? Do significant differences exist in perceptions of school climate between youth who are living on their own as a result of immigration enforcement in comparison to those youth who are living on their own for other reasons? Is the quality of relationships with parents significantly different between youth who are living on their own as a result of immigration enforcement in comparison to those youth who are living on their own for other reasons? Do significant differences exist in emotional symptoms between youth whose parents have been impacted by immigration and customs enforcement (ICE; Impacted by ICE group) in comparison to youth whose parents have been impacted by immigration enforcement for other reasons (Homeless for Other Reasons group)? Lastly, are there significant differences in perception of school climate between U.S. citizen and non-U.S. citizen youth? Results of this study did not reveal significant differences in emotional symptoms between the Impacted by ICE group and the Homeless for Other Reasons group. However, in terms of how they perceived their relationships with their parents, the Impacted by Immigration group reported more positive relations with their parents. There were significant differences regarding perceptions of school climate between the Impacted by ICE and Homeless for Other Reasons groups. Intra-group analyses within the Impacted by Immigration group indicated significant differences in perceptions of school climate among authorized U.S. citizens and unauthorized non-U.S. citizens. Unauthorized non-U.S. citizens tended to perceive school climate more favorably than U.S. citizens.

No description available.

O principal objetivo deste trabalho é compreender a dinâmica que promoveu uma possível securitização da imigração nos Estados Unidos após 2001. Para tanto, procuramos identificar e analisar as mudanças na formulação, orientação e condução da política de imigração nos Estados Unidos a partir da ótica do enforcement imigratório e das legislações de imigração, enfatizando a atuação dos grupos restricionistas para a evolução dessa política. Defendemos que a colocação da imigração como uma questão de segurança no pós-11 de setembro está inserida dentro de um processo mais amplo e resgata o papel importante do ativismo restricionista em especial, do nativismo - na promoção de conteúdos hostis ao imigrante. Além de ser fruto de uma trajetória de demonização do imigrante identificada desde o século XIX, o cenário pós-11 de setembro marca a consolidação da escalada do controle imigratório em curso desde finais dos anos 1980. Na conclusão, utilizamos parte do arcabouço teórico sobre segurança desenvolvido pela Escola de Copenhague para testar a hipótese proposta inicialmente, procurando também apontar os perigos concernentes ao alargamento do conceito de segurança e à produção de modelos de política imigratória como o norteamericano que, ao colocar em destaque os aspectos de segurança da imigração, promoveu uma lógica de ingerência da política de segurança na condução da política imigratória e que tem implicado num aprofundamento dos estranhamentos culturais e das representações negativas do imigrante. / This research intends to analyze the dynamics that probably promoted the securitization of immigration in the United States after 2001. In order to accomplish this objective, are analyzed the changes in formulation, orientation and conduction of the immigration politics in the United States through the study of the immigration law and enforcement, focusing on the role of restrictionist groups in the development of that politics. We will try to demonstrate that the treatment of immigration as a security issue in the post-September 11 era must be comprehended into a broader process and that it recovers the restrictionist activisms role especially, the nativism of promoting hostile contents about immigrant. Therefore, the post-September context is both a product of a trajectory of demonization of the immigrant that can be identified since the ninetieth century and the consolidation of the immigration control escalate that was in progress since the late 1980s. Finally, the analysis employs the Copenhagen Schools securitization concept in order to test the basic hypothesis of this dissertation and to contribute for the making up of immigration politics outside the logic based on security aspects of immigration

O principal objetivo deste trabalho é compreender a dinâmica que promoveu uma possível securitização da imigração nos Estados Unidos após 2001. Para tanto, procuramos identificar e analisar as mudanças na formulação, orientação e condução da política de imigração nos Estados Unidos a partir da ótica do enforcement imigratório e das legislações de imigração, enfatizando a atuação dos grupos restricionistas para a evolução dessa política. Defendemos que a colocação da imigração como uma questão de segurança no pós-11 de setembro está inserida dentro de um processo mais amplo e resgata o papel importante do ativismo restricionista em especial, do nativismo - na promoção de conteúdos hostis ao imigrante. Além de ser fruto de uma trajetória de demonização do imigrante identificada desde o século XIX, o cenário pós-11 de setembro marca a consolidação da escalada do controle imigratório em curso desde finais dos anos 1980. Na conclusão, utilizamos parte do arcabouço teórico sobre segurança desenvolvido pela Escola de Copenhague para testar a hipótese proposta inicialmente, procurando também apontar os perigos concernentes ao alargamento do conceito de segurança e à produção de modelos de política imigratória como o norteamericano que, ao colocar em destaque os aspectos de segurança da imigração, promoveu uma lógica de ingerência da política de segurança na condução da política imigratória e que tem implicado num aprofundamento dos estranhamentos culturais e das representações negativas do imigrante. / This research intends to analyze the dynamics that probably promoted the securitization of immigration in the United States after 2001. In order to accomplish this objective, are analyzed the changes in formulation, orientation and conduction of the immigration politics in the United States through the study of the immigration law and enforcement, focusing on the role of restrictionist groups in the development of that politics. We will try to demonstrate that the treatment of immigration as a security issue in the post-September 11 era must be comprehended into a broader process and that it recovers the restrictionist activisms role especially, the nativism of promoting hostile contents about immigrant. Therefore, the post-September context is both a product of a trajectory of demonization of the immigrant that can be identified since the ninetieth century and the consolidation of the immigration control escalate that was in progress since the late 1980s. Finally, the analysis employs the Copenhagen Schools securitization concept in order to test the basic hypothesis of this dissertation and to contribute for the making up of immigration politics outside the logic based on security aspects of immigration

No description available.

Local Law Enforcement and Immigration: Lessons and Recommendations from Police Executives (2007-2021) Tonya D. Chapman ABSTRACT The Immigration and Reform Control Act (IRCA) of 1986 and the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 (IIRIRA) authorized the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency (ICE) to enter into memoranda of agreement with local law enforcement under section 287(g). The 287(g) program includes the Task Force Model (TFM), Jail Enforcement Model (JEM), Secure Communities (SC), the Priority Enforcement Program (PEP) model and the Warrant Service Officer (WSO) Model, which authorizes specific responsibilities of immigration enforcement to local law enforcement agencies. This dissertation examines the impact of local law enforcement's participation in the various 287(g) programs from the perspective of law enforcement executives. Local law enforcement was granted the responsibility in part because Congress and local elected officials believed that immigration increased crime. However, as of 2022, little research on the nexus between crime and immigration supports that claim; nor does it support the claim that crime rates fell as a result of local law enforcement's participation in the 287(g) programs. Consistent with prior research, this dissertation finds that immigration enforcement has a "null or non-significant" effect on crime in these jurisdictions in comparison to jurisdictions that did not participate in the 287(g) programs. Moreover, this dissertation shows that law enforcement's participation in immigration enforcement led to unintended consequences, including adverse impacts on police legitimacy (trust and fear), perceived crime reporting by immigrant communities, and their community policing efforts. This research provides guidance on best practices to law enforcement in an effort to re-imagine the profession in accordance with procedural justice principles. It examines whether and how immigration enforcement has posed challenges for building trust, legitimacy, community engagement and transparency for law enforcement; looks at whether federal mandates and immigration enforcement affected the advancement of community policing and procedural justice; provides insight on lessons learned from law enforcement's perspective; and contributes to research on the immigration-crime nexus. / Doctor of Philosophy / Local Law Enforcement and Immigration: Lessons and Recommendations from Police Executives (2007-2021) Tonya D. Chapman GENERAL AUDIENCE ABSTRACT Section 287(g) under the Immigration and Reform Control Act (IRCA) of 1986 and the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 (IIRIRA) authorized the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency (ICE) to enter into memoranda of agreement with local law enforcement agencies to participate in immigration enforcement. Under Section 287(g), ICE implemented 5 programs, including the Task Force Model (TFM), Jail Enforcement Model (JEM), Secure Communities (SC), the Priority Enforcement Program (PEP) model, and the Warrant Service Officer (WSO) model. This dissertation examines the impact of local law enforcement's participation in the 287(g) programs, from the perspective of law enforcement executives. This dissertation shows that law enforcement's participation in immigration enforcement led to unintended consequences, including adverse impacts on police legitimacy (trust and fear), perceived crime reporting by immigrant communities, and their community policing efforts. The dissertation also finds that immigration enforcement has a "null or non-significant" effect on crime. This research provides guidance on best practices to law enforcement in an effort to re-imagine the profession in accordance with fair and impartial policing principles.

The increasing numbers of undocumented foreign nationals in South Africa not only has affected the provision of services provided by the local municipalities and the Department of Home Affairs but is also a huge challenge to the services provided by the South African police. The aim of this study was to explore the police experiences of dealing with undocumented foreign nationals in South Africa. A literature review was conducted to provide an overview of this problem nationally and internationally. Interviews, observations and document analysis were also considered to explore police experiences of dealing with undocumented foreign nationals. The findings of this study show that the South African police are “caught between a rock and a hard place” when dealing with undocumented foreign nationals within the constitutional framework of this country. They receive little support from the government and the relevant stakeholders on this matter, while on the other hand they are exposed to constant threats and lack of compliance from the undocumented foreign nationals and the criminal syndicates that facilitate illegal cross-border movements and the pressure from advocates of human rights principles and the media. These factors lead to increased frustrations among police officials and self-protective measures such as turning a blind eye to this problem. To deal with the problem the Inclusive and Interactive Refugee Management Model, which focuses on constant interaction among stakeholders, is recommended. Inclusive strategies are also recommended for dealing with undocumented foreign nationals. This model supports a Left Realism perspective, which advocates collective responsibility towards human concerns / Police Practice / D. Litt. et Phil. (Police Science)

The public focus on domestic violence has been one of the most successful campaigns of the modern women's movement. This success was achieved in part through the creation of strategic alliances among agencies and organizations responding to partner violence. One of the most contested of these alliances involved partnering with the criminal justice system. While representing an advance in holding police accountable in protecting all citizens (Coker, 2006), this alliance has had problematic consequences, particularly as it has extended state power into the lives of women of color (e.g. Richie, 2005). This problem is exacerbated by new collaborations between law enforcement and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). Federal mandates like the Secure Communities program bring together local law enforcement and ICE throughout the United States, to increase deportation rates (Immigration and Customs Enforcement, 2009). As a result, many recommendations by domestic violence advocates to survivors now potentially include the presence of ICE in that referral. This dissertation explores how domestic violence advocates within the tri-county area of Portland, Oregon are responding to law enforcement-ICE partnerships. Advocates remain understudied in the domestic violence literature, in spite of the complexity of their roles. This dissertation fills this research gap in examining the processes advocates employ in responding to dilemmas faced by marginalized survivors. A total of twenty-five advocates from three separate agencies participated in the study, which centered on focus groups carried out in the agency settings. The dissertation pursues three research questions: 1) How do advocates work through a key dilemma that has emerged in their practice? 2) What are the discursive strategies enlisted by advocates in addressing a dilemma at the border of domestic violence and immigration politics? 3) What is the relationship between each group's proximity to working with undocumented survivors and their decision-making process? A case study methodology was used to evaluate proximity to work with undocumented survivors and the organizations' general orientation to domestic violence work. Transcripts of the focus groups were analyzed using a discursive method centered on identifying how the groups worked through a set of dilemmas presented in the focus groups, which involved a crisis call scenario involving an undocumented woman and an agency practice common to many domestic violence service providers. In the analysis of discursive strategies of the groups, a key finding centered on the groups' use of a decision-tree heuristic to work through dilemmas of practice presented in the two scenarios. This discursive strategy facilitated the process of group decision-making at points where the actions required were clear and concrete. However, as more complexity, ambiguity or ambivalence were introduced, the limitations of the decision-tree strategy become more apparent. Findings related to the agency's proximity to undocumented workers suggest that this affinity was less important than was the agency's working relationship to the Criminal Justice System (CJS). Closeness to the CJS was associated with reliance on a discourse that places the police at the center of services for all survivors of domestic violence, regardless of documentation status, and a heightened focus on the risk of lethality to rationalize the risks associated with referrals involving law enforcement-ICE collaborations.