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This thesis examines the external activities of the European Union conducted in the wider Europe against the backdrop of eastern enlargement. It focuses on the technical aspects of EU diplomacy, using qualitative research methodology to study the programmes and initiatives launched since the year 2000 in the countries lying along the Union’s new border to the east. Drawing on evidence from Ukraine, it hypothesises that the EU is an agent of transformation in the eastern neighbourhood and that this transformation has important implications for the regional order in the post-Soviet space. The thesis constitutes an investigation into the transformational activities engaged by the EU in Ukraine conducted with an eye to their strategic implications. It documents and analyses three instances of EU intervention in Ukraine’s internal processes that relate to management of cross-border traffic in the Ukrainian-Russian borderland, restructuring of the country’s energy sector, and conduct of its contentious presidential election in 2004. It is argued that while these interventions have explicitly sought to advance the Union’s security with respect to certain twenty-first century transnational threats, they have at the same time served to confer important strategic advantages on the EU that include giving the bloc greater knowledge and control over developments in Ukraine and that contribute to the dismantling of infrastructural, institutional and other ties between Kiev and the other Soviet successor states, notably Russia. The effect of the European Union’s actions in the region, whether intended or not, has thus been to undermine any competing regional initiatives that cut across its own functions, and thereby to assert itself as the primary integration project in Europe. By showing how technical interventions in the politics, economics and administration of Ukraine can yield important geopolitical dividends, this thesis demonstrates that, in the context of EU external relations, high and low politics are interlinked.

In recent years, there has been a burgeoning of studies related to international terrorism, many related to and resulting from current events and occurrences. However, the enterprise of terrorism scholarship within the framework of political science and international relations poses some interesting dilemmas for the discipline. While other topics in the field have received increasingly rigorous examination, the study of terrorism, comparatively, remains in a nascent stage. Though many of the tools of analysis from other areas of international relations scholarship can be re-applied tfi the study of terrorism, it appears that some must be modified and others discarded altogether. Instead of seeking to fit terrorists, and, indeed, other state actors, into the common rubric of international relations scholarship, I argue here that it is important to reconceptualize international interaction in light of the problems that such actors pose to traditional research. Thus, in the following thesis, I will explore the challenges the study of terrorism poses to researchers in the fields of international relations and political science. After discussing the theoretical foundations and quandaries of the study of international terrorism in political science, I will utilize these remarks as a groundwork for developing a game-theoretic model that incorporates some of these challenges and an econometric model to test some of its implications.

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-06T13:54:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Menezes_RobertoGoulart_M.pdf: 322010 bytes, checksum: 493bf21ebd007e401c470cf6f00ec400 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar a política externa brasileira nos anos noventa, com ênfase nos governos Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-1998 e 1999-2002) e a maneira como os princípios do Consenso de Washington, também conhecido por neoliberalismo incidiu ou não sobre a política externa brasileira. Discute-se como a preferência por temas vinculados ao comércio e a diplomacia comercial ofuscou a atuação mais política e se houve uma ruptura ou relativização com temas consagrados em nossa atuação internacional desde meados do século XX, tais como, a autonomia e o não-alinhamento. No contexto da discussão da formação de uma nova ordem internacional ao longo dos anos 1990, o Brasil tornou-se mais pragmático e elegeu os temas do comércio internacional como central na arena internacional. A mudança conceitual do início da década foi consolidada nas gestões de F. H. Cardoso, e a posição de enfrentamento e reticência no cenário internacional cedeu lugar a uma postura mais "participativa". Por último, discutimos a política da credibilidade e a ênfase maior na crença e nos valores do mercado como meios de garantir mais visibilidade ao país / Abstract: The aim of this work is to analyze the Brazilian Foreign policy in the 90's focusing on Fernando Henrique Cardoso's administration and the way the principles of the Washington Consensus, also known as neoliberalism, affected or not the Brazilian Foreign policy. We discuss how the preference for themes linked to the trade and the commercial diplomacy was more important than a more political performance and whether there was a rupture or relativization with themes which have been legitimized in our international performance since the middle of the 20th century, such as the autonomy and the non-alignment. In the context of the discussion of the formation of a new international order during the 90's, Brazil has become more pragmatic and has elected the themes of the international trade as central in the international arena. The conceptual change of the beginning of the decade was consolidated in Fernando Henrique Cardoso's administration and the attitude of confrontation and reticence in the international scenario gave place to a more "participative" attitude. Finally, we discuss the credibility policy and the greater emphasis that is laid on the beliefs and values of the market as a means to guarantee more visibility to the country / Mestrado / Mestre em Ciência Política

Includes bibliography. / The achievement of a negotiated settlement in South Africa and the negotiation of a new constitution in the mid-1990's piqued the interest of students of conflict resolution and constitutional politics throughout the world. Similarly, numerous failed attempts to achieve a package of amendments to Canada's constitution have attracted the attention of scholars seeking to explain why the attempts have failed and where Canada's future lies. The purpose of this study was to compare the negotiations that took place in both South Africa and Canada to explain why South Africa succeeded in negotiating a new Constitution, whereas Canada has been unable to amend its Constitution despite repeated attempts. The study applied the social-psychological model of negotiation and bargaining to both cases and isolated variables in four areas to allow for a comparative analysis. The four dimensions of negotiation and bargaining that were explored were: (1) structural factors, (2) behavioural dispositions, (3) interdependence factors, and (4) social influence strategies. The data used for the comparative analysis was collected through a review of selected literature produced on the South African and Canadian constitutional negotiations.

Bibliography: leaves 101-118.

Bibliography: p. 173-189.

Recent discourse in international politics has seen a remarkable increase in the use of the word ‘civilisation’. This phenomenon has stimulated research that seeks to investigate the concept of the ‘standard of civilisation’ in the historical development of international politics, and the implications that this has had and may continue to have on the regional and global level. In this context, this thesis examines the evolving idea of the standard of civilisation as it relates to Japan. Throughout this investigation, the thesis sheds light on a nexus between the discourse of civilisation and militarisation. The linkage between civilisation and militarisation is most evident in the debate over Japan’s remilitarisation in the post-Second World War era. In analysing this case, the thesis also points out the potential ramifications of the discourse of civilisation in international politics, including issues surrounding the promotion of liberal democracy and the military alliance relationship between the United States and Japan. The thesis concludes by stating the importance of an awareness of dangers that may manifest themselves as a consequence of the linkage between civilisation and militarisation.

This thesis examines the role of the European Community in the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. From their first dealings up until 1968 – when official relations were established – and beyond, the Community and Yugoslavia never achieved a stable relationship that would have come into its own with the outbreak of the Yugoslav crisis in the early 1990s. In this respect, economic, political and social dimensions characterizing cooperation between the EC and the SFRY are analyzed to illustrate the developments between the two parties. The outbreak of the Yugoslav crisis was a completely new phenomenon for Brussels. Although admittedly unprepared, EC officials stated that ‘the hour for Europe has come’. This eleventh-hour intervention, however, opened the door to certain non-state actors who became involved and, more importantly, affected the decision-making at EC level leading to the policy of recognition of Slovenia and Croatia as independent states, and thus the demise of the Yugoslav federation. The thesis focuses on the activism of diaspora communities, the media and the Catholic Church. As far as the diaspora communities are concerned, their activism was most significant in Austria, a country that enjoyed an outstanding reputation within the European Community at the time. The Carinthian Slovenes used their position within Austrian politics to promote the independence of Slovenia and Croatia. As to the Western media, their reporting of the Yugoslav crisis, with its sympathy for the independence of the two republics, was accepted as a reliable source of information, a view confirmed by statements from Brussels. Finally, the Catholic Church also expressed sympathy for Slovenia and Croatia: the fact that the two SFRY republics were Catholic was reason enough for the Vatican to campaign for their independence at EC level.