No description available.

This dissertation examines the boundaries of world politics expressed in claims about the ‘global’ character of international order. The presence of a single political order that covers the surface of the globe—the international system—is often treated as axiomatic in international relations. Animated by the tension between this claim to global scope and critiques of world politics in international relations, this study investigates the way discourses of international politics sustain claims to global political unity. I do this through analyses of literatures that chart the past (the globalization of international society), present (theories of structure and the problem of world politics), and future (Kant’s Cosmopolitan Right) of world political order in international relations. I argue that discourses of international politics sustain claims to global political unity through a specific understanding of order: system, understood as an irreducible relation between parts and whole. While descriptions of the international system abound, prevailing theoretical oppositions in international relations (such as anarchy and society, and hierarchy and equality), presume a particular account of an already present order that they describe. As a result, I argue, these theories of international order provide an implicit answer to some of the most intensely contested questions in world politics, such as the relationship between unity and diversity, that sets boundaries on imagining possibilities for political order on a planetary scale. / Graduate

yes / n/a

Annotationen zu den Büchern: - Die Agnellis. Die heimlichen Herrscher Italiens - Die Außen- und Friedenspolitik des Heiligen Stuhls - Moralkommunikation der Macht, politische Konstruktion sozialer Kohäsion im Wohlfahrtsstaat

Annotationen

La política exterior y de seguridad de la Unión Europea (UE) varía sustancialmente dependiendo de las circunstancias específicas de cada caso. Esto es particularmente evidente en el ámbito de la no proliferación de armas de destrucción masiva (ADM). Por ejemplo, en el caso de la crisis nuclear iraní la UE se muestra un actor propio con un papel bastante coherente y enérgico, mientras que durante la disputa con Irak del 2003, la UE se porta más bien como una organización internacional profundamente dividida e incapaz de realizar acciones independientes. En la presente tesis se asume que las principales variables independientes que pueden explicar este fenómeno no son los 'intereses nacionales' sino las ideas en forma de creencias normativas y causales que sustentan la construcción de intereses, la elección de los instrumentos y, en última instancia, la política exterior colectiva. Por lo tanto, la cuestión central de esta investigación es: ¿Cómo afectan las ideas a la política exterior colectiva, en particular de la UE en el ámbito de la no proliferación?En la primera parte de la tesis, se desarrolla el marco teórico para comprender mejor la relación entre las ideas y los diferentes grados de acción colectiva por grupos de estados en materia de 'alta política.' Basado en un modelo concreto sobre el papel de las ideas en la cooperación internacional, se examina cómo funcionan estas ideas en el caso específico de la política exterior y de seguridad europea. En este sentido, se identifican cuatro grupos dominantes de ideas ('complejos de ideas') que influyen en la política europea común: 'Europa nacional,' 'Europa integracionista,' 'Europa cosmopolita' y 'Europa multilateral.' En estos complejos de ideas son particularmente importantes las creencias causales y normativas sobre seguridad, el uso de los medios y relaciones estatales. El argumento fundamental es que un número limitado de complejos de ideas hace probable el consenso en una política relativamente fuerte. Esto es particularmente cierto si se toma en consideración la maleabilidad de las ideas y el alto grado de institucionalización de grupos de estados como la UE. La competencia entre los complejos de ideas, sin embargo, deja un margen considerable para el desacuerdo. Por tanto, los complejos de ideas pueden explicar la fuerte variación de la política de la UE entre los diferentes campos de actividad.La segunda parte de la tesis analiza empíricamente la política europea en el ámbito de la no proliferación de ADM. Se han elegido tres casos de estudio: (a) una comparación entre las políticas de la UE durante la crisis nuclear iraní y la invasión estadounidense de Iraq; (b) los esfuerzos desiguales de la UE contra la proliferación en el sur y este de la vecindad europea, y (c) las políticas de la UE hacia las instituciones internacionales de no proliferación a la luz del concepto de 'multilateralismo eficaz.' El objetivo es demostrar cómo las ideas influyen en la práctica la política exterior desigual de la UE bajo situaciones diferentes. Del análisis de los estudios de caso se pueden extraer tres conclusiones principales: en primer lugar, el consenso en la UE para la acción colectiva sólo es posible si ciertos límites relativos a la percepción de seguridad, la utilización de medios y las relaciones con otros estados no se cruzan; en segundo lugar, la necesidad de un equilibrio entre los complejos de ideas opuestos explican la política frecuentemente moderada de la UE ('equilibrio de ideas'); y, por último, las ideas como 'multilateralismo eficaz' se pueden utilizar de manera limitada como un foco para fomentar la cohesión, coherencia y legitimidad de la UE en los asuntos internacionales. / The foreign and security policy outputs of the European Union (EU) vary substantially depending on the issue at stake. This has been particularly clear in the field of non-proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD). For example, in the case of the Iranian nuclear crisis, the EU shows the characteristics of a fairly coherent and forceful actor in its own right, whereas during the 2003 Iraq standoff the EU is merely a deeply divided international organization incapable of independent action. The dissertation argues that the principal independent variables that can explain this phenomenon are not 'national interests' but ideas in the form of normative and causal beliefs, which underpin the construction of interests, the choice of instruments and, ultimately, collective foreign policy outputs. Hence, the central research question is: How do ideas affect collective foreign policy output, in particular by the EU in the field of non-proliferation?In the first part, the dissertation develops a theoretical framework to understand better the relation between ideas and the different degrees of collective action by groups of states in matters of 'high politics.' Based on a concrete model outlining the role of ideas in international cooperation, it continues examining theoretically how ideas work in the specific case of the European foreign and security policy. In this regard, it identifies four dominant sets of ideas ('idea complexes') that influence common European policy output: 'national Europe,' 'integrationist Europe,' 'cosmopolitan Europe' and 'multilateral Europe.' In these idea complexes, causal and normative beliefs about security, the use of means and state relations are particularly important. The key argument is that the limited number of relatively malleable foreign policy idea complexes makes consensus for relatively forceful policy output likely, in particular taking into consideration the high degree of institutionalization of groups of states such as the EU. The competition between idea complexes leaves, however, substantial room for disagreement. Therefore, idea complexes can explain the EU's strong output variation between different fields of activity.The second part of the dissertation analyzes empirically the EU's policy in the field of non-proliferation of WMD. Three specific case studies have been chosen: (a) a comparison between the EU policies during the Iranian nuclear crisis and the US led invasion of Iraq; (b) the EU's uneven non-proliferation efforts in the Southern and Eastern neighbourhood; and (c) EU policies towards international non-proliferation institutions in light of the concept of 'effective multilateralism.' The aim is to demonstrate how ideas influence in practice the uneven EU foreign policy output in different situations. Three major conclusions can be drawn from the analysis of the case studies: First, consensus in the EU on collective action is only possible, if certain limits regarding security perception, use of means and relations with other states are not crossed; secondly, the need for striking a balance between competing idea complexes explains the frequently moderate policy output by the EU ('ideational balancing'); and, finally, ideas such as 'effective multilateralism' can be used to a limited extent as focal points to foster cohesion, coherence and legitimacy of the EU in international affairs.

Wissenschaft hat einen großen Anteil daran, internationale Umweltprobleme auf die politische Tagesordnung zu bringen und Maßnahmen zu ihrer technischen Lösung zu entwerfen. Dies gilt sowohl für den Abbau der Ozonschicht als auch für den Klimawandel. So relevant die Generierung von wissenschaftlichen Erkenntnissen in diesen Feldern ist, so komplex ist die Interaktion zwischen Wissenschaft und Politik und so schwierig ist es, Verlässliches darüber zu sagen. Thomas Hickmann analysiert das Verhältnis von Wissenschaft und Politik in internationalen Umweltregimen aus einer neuen Perspektive. Er untersucht nicht den Einfluss wissenschaftlicher Erkenntnisse auf die Politik, sondern rückt die Frage in den Fokus, inwieweit Regierungen Einfluss auf die Wissenschaft nehmen, um nationale Interessen durchzusetzen. Diese Perspektive wurde in der Forschung bislang weitgehend vernachlässigt, weshalb eine systematische Analyse dieser Frage in der Literatur fehlt.

Incitement to genocide is a fairly recent and elusive concept in international law. First used at Nuremberg, the concept did not reappear for more than fifty years, when the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) used it to convict and sentence three media executives: Ferdinand Nahimana, Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza, and Hassan Ngeze. Using their trial as a case study, I use rhetorical analysis to help clarify both the concept of "incitement" and the role that morality, politics, and law play in genocide and its aftermath. This case study helps to explain some of the complexities that often accompany genocide. First, because incitement depends on one person's words and another's actions, the answer to the question of who is responsible for the final outcome is unclear. Second, because genocide affects, and is affected by, the decisions of both local and international communities, actions (not) taken by either affect one another in significant ways. Finally, in the aftermath of genocide, questions of culpability, punishment, and reconciliation complicate international law. Based on this case study, I suggest ways in which the international community might learn from what happened in Rwanda.

SILVA, Téofilo Roberto da. Estudo descritivo da realização das metáforas política externa é guerra e política externa é comércio. 2011. 125f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de Letras Vernáculas, Programa de Pós-graduação em Linguística, Fortaleza (CE), 2011. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-08-18T16:04:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_dis_trsilva.pdf: 1749331 bytes, checksum: 7c1ce6f02d14ae4fad815e1a0c1c352f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-08-18T16:52:48Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_dis_trsilva.pdf: 1749331 bytes, checksum: 7c1ce6f02d14ae4fad815e1a0c1c352f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-18T16:52:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_dis_trsilva.pdf: 1749331 bytes, checksum: 7c1ce6f02d14ae4fad815e1a0c1c352f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / The conceptual metaphor theory proposed by Lakoff and Johnson (1980) triggered researches which aimed to investigate metaphor as an element for reasoning. It is from this perspective that this study has analyzed the metaphors INTERNATIONAL POLITICS IS WAR and INTERNATIONAL POLITICS IS COMMERCE. It was hypothesized that the concepts WAR and COMMERCE are central to the conceptualization of INTERNATIONAL POLITICS. Initially we discussed the definition for metaphor from the Cognitive Linguistics perspective. Then, we described the research procedure. The corpus analyzed consists of excerpts extracted from Veja magazine texts published online in the first and third quarters of 2009. We compiled the text excerpts with the help of the Wordsmith tools suite of programs. We identified the elements belonging to the three conceptual domains which structure the metaphors in study as well as the conceptual correspondences these domains establish. The analysis of the metaphorical mappings has revealed that the concepts WAR and COMMERCE are indispensable in the structuring of the concept INTERNATIONAL POLITICS. The identified conceptual mappings form a coherent net of metaphors as well as of metonymies. The domains are inextricably linked and related to each other by means of metaphorical and metonymical projections. These two cognitive mechanisms work together in structuring the target concept INTERNATIONAL POLITICS. We found out that the three domains share a common conceptualization, and it is possible to categorize them as INTERACTION WITH PURPOSES. The relationship that exists between the domains makes possible a better understanding of the concept INTERNATIONAL POLITICS. The metaphorical conceptualization of INTERNATIONAL POLITICS is not only compatible with the theoretical understanding of politics but also with the dynamics of foreign relations, in which economic and military power go hand in hand. / A Teoria da Metáfora Conceptual (TMC) proposta por Lakoff e Johnson (1980) inaugurou pesquisas tendo como objeto de investigação a metáfora como elemento do raciocínio. Nesta perspectiva, este estudo analisou as metáforas POLÍTICA EXTERNA É GUERRA e POLÍTICA EXTERNA É COMÉRCIO. Para tanto, partiu-se da hipótese de que os conceitos GUERRA e COMÉRCIO são centrais na conceptualização de POLÍTICA EXTERNA. Inicialmente, discutiu-se o conceito da metáfora pela perspectiva da Linguística Cognitiva. Em seguida, descreveram-se os procedimentos da pesquisa. O corpus analisado são exemplos retirados de textos da revista Veja on-line publicados no primeiro e terceiro trimestres de 2009. A coleta dos exemplos foi realizada com a ajuda da suíte de programas WordSmith tools. Foram identificados os elementos constituintes dos três domínios que estruturam as metáforas como também as correspondências conceptuais estabelecidas entre eles. Os resultados revelados pela análise das metáforas indicaram que POLÍTICA EXTERNA é um conceito cuja construção não prescinde dos domínios GUERRA e COMÉRCIO. Os mapeamentos conceptuais identificados formam uma rede coerente tanto de metáforas como de metonímias. Os domínios se mostram fortemente imbricados e se relacionam através de projeções metafóricas e metonímicas. Esses dois mecanismos da cognição atuam conjuntamente na estruturação do conceito-alvo POLÍTICA EXTERNA. Verificou-se que os três domínios compartilham uma conceptualização comum, sendo possível categorizá-los como INTERAÇÕES COM PROPÓSITOS. A correspondência existente entre os domínios possibilitam uma melhor compreensão do conceito POLÍTICA EXTERNA. A conceptualização metafórica de POLÍTICA EXTERNA não só é compatível com a compreensão teórica de política, como também com a própria dinâmica das relações internacionais, em que o poder econômico anda de mãos dadas com o poder militar.

Univerzita Karlova Filozofická fakulta Ústav světových dějin Historické vědy - Obecné dějiny Tomáš Jaroš Konflikt na Blízkém východě a mezinárodně politická role Německa v mírovém procesu na počátku třetího tisíciletí The conflict in the Middle east and internationally, the political role of Germany in the peace process at the beginning of the third millennium Abstrakt dizertační práce 2017 Prof. PhDr. Václav Horčička, Ph.D. Title: The conflict in the Middle east and internationally, the political role of Germany in the peace process at the beginning of the third millennium Abstract: The theme of the presented work is the conflict between the two parties for the entry into of the problem and his suggestion how to solve the resulting dispute and the subsequent review of the German policy in the Middle east from a German perspective to the war outbreak. The first part of the work focuses on the content and the nature of the conflict between Israel and Palestine. The second part will be an analysis of the actual German middle east policy, as shaped, change and implement the federal government since the early fifties.The second half of the second section will provide interpretation of the German middle east policy at the turn of the second and third millennium. This section will outline and explain the three...