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Thesis advisor: Robert Ross / This paper discusses the Linebacker II bombing campaign of the United States in North Vietnam, more famously known as the "Christmas Bombings." It examines the campaign as an attempt to compel North Vietnam to accept changes to the peace agreement being negotiated in Paris by Henry Kissinger and others. Specifically, it looks at three aspects of compellence—capability, credibility, and clarity of goals—and analyzes how the United States did in each of these three areas, concluding that the United States ultimately failed to adequately compel North Vietnam. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2010. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science Honors Program. / Discipline: College Honors Program. / Discipline: Political Science.

Le déclenchement de la Grande Guerre change l’équilibre politique mondial, y compris en Europe centrale et orientale. L’écroulement des empires russe et austro-hongrois favorise la naissance des nouveaux États-nations, en particulier de l’Ukraine. Le jeune pays, tiraillé pendant quelques siècles, apparaît sur les décombres de deux puissances. Le nouveau régime s’oppose alors à des adversaires puissants : l’Armée Volontaire et l’Armée Rouge. Les décisionnaires du Gouvernement Provisoire russe, présidé par Alexandre Kerenskij et les bolcheviks, conduits par Vladimir Lénine, se prononcent défavorablement à la construction de l’État ukrainien indépendant et veulent le conserver sous la tutelle russe. Dans ces conditions, l’Ukraine sollicite l’appui des puissances étrangères pour lutter contre ses ennemis intérieurs. Les dignitaires ukrainiens demandent le concours militaire de deux camps belligérants : des Alliés et des Empires Centraux. En France, il y a deux groupes politiques. Le premier est favorable à la reconstruction de la Russie seule et indivisible. Ses représentants estiment que les pays soumis au pouvoir russe doivent lutter avec la Russie et les Alliés contre les Puissances Centrales. Il faut ainsi reconnaître le droit de ces pays à l’auto-détérmination. Le regroupement des forces militaires repose sur le principe des nationalités. La seconde tendance présentée par Jean Pélissier privilégie la lutte avec la jeune Ukraine contre le bolchévisme et ne considérait pas le mouvement ukrainien comme germanophile. Au début du XXième siècle, les camps politiques des Puissances Centrales et des pays de l’Entente jouent la carte ukrainienne pour atteindre leurs buts dans la Première Guerre Mondiale. / The I World War’s bursting changes the political balance in the central and oriental Europe. The collapse of the Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires favours new state-nations’ birth, in particulary the one of Ukraine. The young country torn during some centuries appears on two empires’ ruins. The new Ukrainian government confronts powerful opponents: the Volunteer Army and the Red Army. On the Ukrainian politicians’ mind, Provisional Government’s politics contrary to the principle of self-determination of nations. The Russian Provisory Government’s leaders headed by Alexander Kerensky and Bolsheviks headed by Vladimir Lenin protest against the Ukrainian independent state’s constitution. Their aim consists to conserve Ukraine under the Russian guardianship. In these conditions, Ukraine is searching for the military assistance of two adverse warring camps: those of Allied nations and Central Powers. There are two political tendencies in France. Some dignitaries consider that former Russian colonies should fight with Allied countries and Russia against Central Powers. This group of politicians is favorable to the reconstruction of the one and indivisible Russian empire. Military forces’ gathering is based on the self-determination principle. Their aim is to create a permanent body to promote the cause of national self-determination. The second tendency represented by Jean Pélissier privileged the fight against bolshevist forces with the young Ukrainian country. This political camp didn’t consider Ukrainian politicians to be germanophile. At the beginning of the XX th century, two adversary camps: those of Central Powers and Allied countries use the Ukrainian political asset to achieve their aims during the First World War.

Este trabalho trata da política externa da República Popular Democrática da Coreia (RPDC-Coreia do Norte) e os efeitos sobre a dinâmica regional do Nordeste Asiático. Especificamente, analisa a mudança de liderança na RPDC, efetivada com ascensão de Kim Jong-Un ao cargo de Supremo Líder em 2011, e os consequentes impactos que essa transição trouxe para as dinâmicas regionais político-securitárias que envolvem a República Popular da China, o Japão, a Coreia do Sul, a Rússia e os EUA. Desse modo, busca atender a dois objetivos básicos. Primeiro, procura avaliar de que forma a ascensão de Kim Jong-Un ao poder altera o quadro político e econômico interno, bem como o perfil de inserção internacional da Coreia do Norte. Segundo, analisa de que modo essa ascensão impacta sobre os padrões de cooperação e conflito que caracterizam o Nordeste Asiático desde o final da Guerra Fria. Para atingir seu objetivo geral, esta pesquisa é guiada por três objetivos específicos. (I) estabelecer uma análise teórico-conceitual acerca dos padrões de cooperação e conflito que caracterizam as relações interestatais no Nordeste Asiático desde o final da Guerra Fria. (II) Segundo, avaliar de que modo o Governo Kim Jong-Un representa uma alteração no quadro securitário, político e econômico interno, bem como na inserção internacional do país. (III) A partir das análises estabelecidas, analisar os impactos que a ascensão de Kim Jong-Un gera sobre a dinâmica regional tendo como base o equilíbrio nuclear e os padrões de cooperação e conflito que prevalecem desde o final da Guerra Fria. / This thesis deals with the foreign policy of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK-North Korea) and the effects on the regional dynamics of Northeast Asia. Specifically, it analyzes the change of leadership in the DPRK, made possible by Kim Jong-Un's rise to the position of Supreme Leader in 2011, and the consequent impacts that this transition has brought to the regional political-security dynamics involving the People's Republic of China, Japan, South Korea, Russia and the United States. In this way, it seeks to meet two basic objectives. First, it seeks to assess how Kim Jong-Un's rise to power alters the internal political and economic framework, as well as North Korea's international insertion profile. Second, to analyze how this rise has impacted on the patterns of cooperation and conflict that have characterized Northeast Asia since the end of the Cold War. To achieve its overall goal, this research is guided by three specific objectives. (I) to establish a theoretical-conceptual analysis of the patterns of cooperation and conflict that characterize inter-state relations in Northeast Asia since the end of the Cold War. (II) Second, to assess how the Kim Jong-Un Government represents a change in the domestic security, political and economic framework, as well as the country's international insertion. (III) From the analysis established, analyze the impacts that the rise of Kim Jong-Un generates on regional dynamics based on the nuclear balance and patterns of cooperation and conflict that have prevailed since the end of the Cold War.

As mudanças climáticas são uma das fronteiras planetárias que garantem o funcionamento seguro do sistema terrestre. O atual modelo de desenvolvimento, baseado principalmente no alto padrão de consumo, é incompatível com a manutenção das fronteiras planetárias. Uma dessas fronteiras, a das mudanças climáticas, já foi ultrapassada e é uma das dimensões da crise civilizacional que vivemos nos tempos atuais, crise esta que caracteriza a transição para uma zona de risco de colapso ambiental sistêmico. Ao mesmo tempo em que o conhecimento científico deste complexo problema evolui rapidamente e as consequências se agravam, essas ameaças não são percebidas como reais e imediatas pela população em geral, o que inibe a ação necessária, a de uma revisão das bases do nosso modo de vida. Em última instância, são os Estados que adotam medidas para regular a ação humana e proteger o sistema terrestre. Tais ações vêm sendo negociadas no nível internacional há mais de vinte anos, em um processo multilateral sob os auspícios das Nações Unidas. O problema é que este processo está caracterizado por um impasse que tem como protagonistas os maiores emissores de gases de efeito estufa e as maiores economias mundiais, Estados Unidos e China. Desde o início do século XXI notam-se duas alterações que foram definitivas para desenhar o escopo deste trabalho e que são a sua grande contribuição: uma mudança na distribuição territorial das emissões de GEE e uma mudança na distribuição de poder no sistema internacional, que giram em torno das duas grandes potências mundiais. Essas duas bases, uma geográfica e outra política, nos permitem analisar a formação da nova geografia política das mudanças climáticas, a partir de um diálogo entre as referências teóricas da Geografia Política e das Relações Internacionais. A nova geografia política das mudanças climáticas está sendo definida pelas posições assumidas por EUA e China neste processo multilateral que caracteriza a ordem ambiental internacional das mudanças climáticas. Dessa forma, este trabalho analisa as posições dos dois países no período de 2005 a 2012, de forma a identificar os interesses defendidos por eles que estão refletidos nos documentos finais das rodadas internacionais de negociações da Convenção do Clima. Ainda em construção, esta nova geografia política será conformada pelo possível novo acordo climático a ser adotado até 2020, que está condicionado pela aparente oposição entre os interesses defendidos por EUA e China e que dificilmente terá os resultados esperados. Essa oposição tem gerado uma cooperação conveniente para os dois países, que exercem as suas soberanias e salvaguardam a defesa dos seus interesses nacionais na ordem ambiental internacional das mudanças climáticas, postura que resulta na paralisia das negociações. Este estudo espera contribuir para o entendimento desta situação, que adia perigosamente as decisões urgentes para tratar de um problema que traz uma complexidade que agrava e é agravada pelas dificuldades desse processo multilateral. / Climate change is one of the planetary boundaries that guarantee the safe operation of the earth system. The current development model, based mainly on the high consumption standards, is incompatible with the conservation of the planetary boundaries. The climate change boundary has already been surpassed and it is one of the dimensions of the civilizational crisis that we live in modern times. This crisis characterizes the transition to a risk of systemic environmental collapse zone. At the same time that the scientific knowledge about this complex problem rapidly evolves, these threats are not realized as reals and immediate by the overall population, which inhibit the necessary revision of our way of living. Ultimately, states are responsible for the adoption of measures to regulate human action and protect the earth system. These actions have been negotiated at the international level for more than twenty years, in a multilateral process under the United Nations auspices. The question is that this process is characterized by a deadlock that has the United States and China as its protagonists, being the biggest greenhouse gases emitters and the major economies worldwide. Since the beginning of the 21st century, two changes were decisive to draw the scope of this research, which are its main contribution: a change in the territorial distribution of GHG emissions and a change in the distribution of power in the international system. Both of them revolve around these two great world powers. The geographical and political basis allow us to analyze the formation of the new political geography of climate change, from a dialogue between theoretical references of Political Geography and International Relations. The new political geography of climate change is being defined by the positions assumed by the US and China in this multilateral process, which characterizes the climate change international environmental order. Thereby, this work analyzes the positions of these two countries in the period 2005-2012 to identify their interests that are reflected in the final documents of the international negotiation rounds of the Climate Change Convention. This new political geography, still under construction, will be designed by the possible new climate agreement to be adopted by 2020. This agreement is conditioned by the apparent opposition between the interests defended by the US and China, and will hardly bring the expected results. Such opposition has generated a convenient cooperation for both countries, which exercise their sovereignty and safeguard the protection of their interests at the climate change international environmental order. This position results in the paralysis of the negotiations. This research aims at contributing to the understanding of this situation, which dangerously postpones the urgent decisions to deal with a problem that brings a complexity that worsens and is worsened by the difficulties of this multilateral process.

Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo discutir o Paraguai contemporâneo. Tratará de sua política interna e externa a partir do governo do Gal. Alfredo Stroessner, pondo em relevo suas características essenciais, bem como sua relação com a Argentina, Brasil e Estados Unidos. Apresentar-se-á um país moderno e complexo que, apesar de suas vicissitudes, é de singular importância geoestratégica na região. Também será discutida sua transição de um tipo de regime autoritário para a democracia com características e dinâmicas próprias e marcadamente distinta daquelas de seus vizinhos mais influentes. Pretende-se por último debater a possível relação entre suas políticas interna e externa. Com relação ao referencial teórico, não houve opção por uma corrente específica, mas antes optou-se por uma literatura mais tipicamente dos autores paraguaios cuja ênfase esteve mais próxima do campo geopolítico e da teoria da interdependência em razão das particularidades desse país. / This research aims at discussing contemporary Paraguay, with its domestic and international politics, from the government of Gen. Alfredo Stroessner, emphasizing its essential characteristics, as well as the relationship with Argentina, Brazil, and United States. Paraguay is a modern and complex country which, in spite of its vicissitudes, has a singular geostrategic importance in Latin America. Its transition from an authoritarian regime to democracy, with peculiar characteristics and dynamics which are notably diverse from its more influential neighbors, will be discussed. It is also objective of this study to debate the possible relation between its internal and external politics. As for the theoretical referential, there was not a choice for a specific current, but rather a choice for literature which is more typically from Paraguayan authors with emphasis closer to the geopolitical field and to the independence theory, due to the peculiarities of the country.

<p>The aim of this thesis is to understand and demonstrate the narrow ties between sport and International Relations. My purpose is to examine how Football especially is mixed with International Relations in many levels. The theoretical framework deals with the</p><p>nationalism theories. Nationalism theories have been relevant only for the last two decades. Nationalism has been developed in the two last centuries with the industrialisation. It can be considered as a political doctrine or ideology. The definition of Nationalism is not obvious because there are no founding theorist or text on it. This</p><p>process of nationalism induced nations to existence or self-determination. But extreme nationalism can be a danger. Nationals symbols have been created like language, food and drink, clothing, commemorative holidays, military heroes, flags, colours, and anthems.</p><p>Sport should not be forgotten in this Nationalism ideology. A qualitative study of all the books have been studied carefully. The thesis is based on a long historical approach that permitted to demonstrate the links between sport and International Relations. Pierre de Coubertin wanted Olympics to bring peace and without political means, but the situation changed rapidly everything and government policies were really influenced by sports. Not only totalitarian states but also democratic ones have been using sport for their propaganda to promote national strength. It has been like a trigger mechanism, everyone has understood how to use sport for diplomatic relations and it is a safer and harmless way than a war. Then a study of national identity construction will be the second goal.</p><p>Governments are now involved in sport to promote the prestige of a group. The other reason is to encourage a sense of identity, belonging and unity. Sport as a diplomatic tool can be considered like a public diplomacy to influence opinion. Football passion is shared by every citizen and helps us to understand the complexity of the world with its conflicting nations. In all this complicated situation, the Nordic nationalism is a fascinating new direction of peace and tolerance. For example, the Danes showed a festive way to support national teams that we can call a ‘sporting nationalism’.</p>

Den Krieg um Afghanistan hat der Westen verloren – wieder einmal. Die Frage des Abzugs bestimmt die außen- und sicherheitspolitische Agenda, nicht nur in Washington D.C. und Berlin. Ziel ist, das "Fiasko Afghanistan" möglichst glimpflich enden zu lassen – aber wie? Die Frage hat auch 2011 nicht an Aktualität eingebüßt. Kenner der Region und außenpolitische Experten diskutieren im vorliegenden WeltTrends Papier die Ausgangslage des Afghanistan-Komplexes und analysieren Abzugsstrategien – klar, kontrovers, pointiert.

Die Frage nach der politischen Ordnung steht im Mittelpunkt des Lehrtextes zur Einführung in die Wissenschaft von der Res Publica. Dieses als Skript konzipierte Lehrbuch dient als Grundlage der Einführungsvorlesung an der Universität Potsdam. Mit einem nüchternen Blick in die Geschichte, von der Antike über die frühe Neuzeit bis in die Gegenwart – und dies global – wird das Politische aus verschiedenen Perspektiven diskutiert. Es ist vor allem ein Text für jene, die sich mit dem Politischen zu beschäftigen beginnen, jedoch auch für jene lohnenswert, die sich erneut der Grundlagen versichern möchten.

In den theoretischen Grundlagen moderner Verfassungsstaaten wird Angst als zentrale politische Größe ausgewiesen. In der Hobbesschen Ursprungsmythologie moderner Staatlichkeit spielt sie eine entscheidende Rolle für die Staatskonstituierung. Aufgrund ihrer Staatszentriertheit bietet die Vertragstheorie allerdings kein hinreichendes Erklärungspotential für die transnationale terroristische Strategie der Angst. Der Angstpolitik des Terrorismus steht aber auch eine Nutzbarmachung der Angst durch Regierungen bedrohter Staaten gegenüber. / In modern state theory, fear turns out to be of great political significance. In the Hobbesian foundational myth of the modern constitutional state, fear is an important force because it motivates the establishment of states. But because of its theoretical concentration on states, contractualist thought does not provide an adequate explanation for the transnational terrorist strategy of fear. The primacy of fear used by terrorists can be juxtaposed to the utilisation of fear by governments threatened by terrorist attacks.