[pt] Uma característica comum ao Estado Moderno é um passado de conflitos e violência. A relação entre esta violência e, muitas vezes, o trauma que decorre dela, irá determinar como será articulada a relação com a memória/esquecimento no momento após os conflitos. Falar de memória não é apenas falar sobre o passado. Falar em memória é também falar do presente e das articulações que resultaram neste presente. Tendo como exemplos a Ex-Iugoslavia e Ruanda é possível se perceber como o Estado Moderno atua através de práticas de memória na monumentalização, na educação e ao trazer uma confrontação com o passado para a construção de uma sociedade homogênea. / [en] A common feature of the modern state is a past of conflict and violence. The relationship between this violence and, often, the trauma that follows it, will determine how the relationship of remembering/forgetting is going to act in the moment after the conflict. Talking about memory is not just to talk about the past. Talking about memory is also to talk about the present. Taking as examples the Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda it is possible to analyze how the modern state acts through the memory practices at monumentalization, education and practices of confrontation with the past for the construction of a homogeneous society.

La jurisprudence de la Cour a été commentée et comparée à celle des tribunaux ad'hoc par de nombreux chercheurs. Cependant, ses interactions avec le système international (Etats, organisation internationales) furent quelque peu délaissées. Or, en tant que partie intégrante de ce système, elle ne peut être analysée comme un élément isolé. La stratégie du Procureur est incompréhensible si elle n'est pas rapprochée des attentes et préoccupations de la société internationale. Elle véhicule des valeurs et idéologies en provenance d'une certaine partie du monde au détriment des autres. il est vrai qu'elles sont largement acceptées par la communauté des nations, mais ce fait peut valider certaines réticences face au statut de Rome.Pour l'Union Africaine, la Cour est partiale, faite sur mesure pour les Etats africains plus faibles et la considère comme une nouvelle forme de néocolonialisme. Les ONG internationales, telle Human Right Watch, considèrent nombre de ses membres comme responsables de violations des droits de droits de l'Homme. Faut-il pour autant rejeter leurs préoccupations ?Quand les experts analysent le conseil de sécurité, ils oublient l'illégitimité des membres permanents en matière de respect des droits de l'Homme. L'intervention américaine en Irak fut en son temps dénoncée comme un crime d'agression, et leur incapacité à manipuler en leur faveur le Conseil de Sécurité les a encouragé à envisager une autre invasion en Syrie. Le manque de réaction internationale devant l'illégalité d'une telle opération est signe d'un traitement inégalitaire des Etats. Le rôle des médias ne doit pas être oublié.Pendant l'élaboration du statut de Rome, ses rédacteurs ont voulu préserver la souveraineté des Etats. Ils ont en fait donné aux Etats puissants l'assurance qu'ils échapperont aux poursuites devant la Cour.Ce travail analysera les accusations de partialité et d'efficacité de la Cour et proposera des mesures afin de la rendre plus juste et équitable. / The ICC jurisprudence has been abundantly commented and compared to the others ad'hoc tribunals' works. However, its interaction with the international system (states, international organizations) was not as closely examinated. As an integral part of this system, the court can not be considered as a lone element. It is impossible to understand the prosecutor strategy if the wants and preoccupations of the international society are ignored. As such, the jurisdiction promotes values and ideologies coming from some states or some continents. They are largely accepted by the community of nations but this can validate some states' resistencies to the Rome Statute.The African Union claims that the ICC is partial, made solely for the weaker African nations, and is just another form of neocolonialism. It is true that international NGOs such as Human Right Watch consider most of its leaders as perpetatrors of Human Rights violation. Does it mean however that their concern must be dismissed? When experts analyse the Court or the Security council involvements they failed to point for example the illegitimacy of the five permanent members when it comes to Human Rights. The U.S intervention in Irak is seen by many as a crime of aggression and their inability to move the Security Council in their favour prompted their reaction to invade Syria. The lack of concern of the international community for this new development's illegality is another sign of the inequality of treatment between nations. Mass medias' role will not be forgotten in this research.The Court reacts to this unfair environment and its cases are chosen accordingly. When the Rome Statute was elaborated, the redactors tried to preserve state sovereignty. But in fact they insured that the most powerful states will escape the jurisdiction of the Court.In this paper, we will examine the claims of partiality and dependence of the Court and propose some changes to make it a more equitable and fair jurisdiction.

[pt] A presente dissertação pretende investigar o processo de construção social das crianças-soldado com o objetivo de analisar criticamente a formação de um discurso dominante que autoriza representações e narrativas centradas, sobretudo, na necessidade de proteção dos meninos e meninas envolvidos nos conflitos armados contemporâneos. A emergência do discurso será compreendida como constitutiva da estrutura normativa da ordem internacional do Pós-Guerra Fria, visando revelar as tensões produzidas e reproduzidas pelas narrativas e consequentes representações sobre tais crianças. / [en] The present dissertation intends to address the process of social construction of child soldiers. This will be a first exploratory step to critically analyze the structuring of a dominant discourse concerning the protection of boys and girls involved in contemporaneous armed conflicts. This discourse will be understood as constitutive of the normative framework of Post-Cold War international order. The dissertation will try to show that this discourse is not exempt from tensions that manifest themselves and are reproduced by the narratives and consequent representations of those children.

The fall of authoritarian regimes in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya has changed political dynamics on the African continent. One immediate concern has been the implications of these developments for the African Union (AU) and its member states. Would overall political dynamics in the AU be changed? Would the most powerful member states use the altered circumstances to enhance their influence on AU policies andframeworks? What would the impact be for the AU's overall authority? In this Discussion Paper series, three edited papers are presented that tackle AU political and institutional dynamics in light of the Arab revolts. A particular puzzle addressed is the current postures of South Africa,Ethiopia and Algeria within the AU. A separate analysis of Nigeria's role was published earlier in the NAI-FOI Lecture Series on African Security. The work in this discussion series reflects the longstanding collaboration between the Swedish Defence Research Agency's Project Studies in African Security and the Nordic Africa Institute to build Africa-related research capacity on peace and security.

Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Feb 5, 2010). Includes bibliographical references.

Orientador: Pedro Paulo Zahluth Bastos / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-15T12:40:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rossini_GabrielAlmeidaAntunes_M.pdf: 1697492 bytes, checksum: e5917af27e2c08f797e0d36dc7a90454 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: No presente trabalho, centramos nossos esforços na compreensão das relações anglo portuguesas ocorridas entre a Restauração de Portugal e o início do século XVIII. Procuramos determinar os motivos que acabaram por enquadrar Portugal em certa divisão internacional do trabalho (produção de vinho), que acabou por tornar sua economia largamente dependente da Inglaterra. Para tanto, dividimos a dissertação em três grandes partes. Primeiramente, abordamos a Restauração de Portugal e os Tratados anglo portugueses do século XVII. Em um segundo momento, discutimos a reação portuguesa frente à depressão econômica da segunda metade do século XVII e, finalmente, na última parte do estudo, tratamos das consequências da "herança" do século XVII, da Guerra de Sucessão Espanhola e do Tratado de Methuen / Abstract: In this study we focused our efforts on understanding the Anglo-Portuguese relations which occurred between the Restoration of Portugal and the beginning of the eighteenth century. We sought to understand the motives which caused Portugal to enter the international labour sector (wine production) that eventually made its economy largely dependent on England. To this end, we divided the thesis into three parts. First, we address the Restoration of Portugal and the Anglo-Portuguese treaties of the seventeenth century. In a second step, we discuss the Portuguese reaction during the economic depression of the second half of the seventeenth century, and finally the last part of the study, we study the consequences of the "legacy" of the seventeenth century, the War of Spanish Succession and the Treaty of Methuen / Mestrado / Historia Economica / Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico

Orientador: Reginaldo Carmello Corrêa de Moraes / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T15:40:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 HenriqueNeto_Sylvio_M.pdf: 3411655 bytes, checksum: 74bced731cd67794b304df51ee67a1db (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Esta pesquisa buscará compreender como a UNICA (União da Indústria de Cana-de-açúcar do Estado de São Paulo) organiza-se para atuar na defesa dos interesses dos seus associados do setor sucroalcooleiro brasileiro, principalmente no tocante à construção de arranjos cooperativos internacionais facilitadores da liberalização do comércio de etanol, visando transformá-lo em uma commodity energética global. Para tanto, mapearemos suas estratégias de duplo-lobby, as quais consistem na manipulação dos mecanismos formais e informais de formulação e execução da política externa comercial agrícola no Brasil e nos Estados Unidos / Abstract: This research will seek to understand how the UNICA (Brazilian Sugarcane Industry Association) organizes itself in order to act protecting their members' interests from the Brazilian Sugarcane Industry sector, specially referring to the construction of international cooperative arrangements which eases up the ethanol trade liberalization, aiming to transform it into a global energetic commodity. This way, we will trace theirs double lobby strategies, which consists on formal and informal manipulating mechanisms as well as the Brazilian and North American International Trade Policy performance / Mestrado / Política Externa / Mestre em Relações Internacionais

Quando se considera a Segurança Internacional da América Latina, comprovasse a inexistência de um ator regional com excedente de poder necessário, tanto em Hard power, poderes econômico, militar, e de mobilização, como de Soft power, de liderança passiva pela persuasão da conveniência da emulação e pela convicção de resultados melhores pela cooperação com o líder ou primus inter pares. Portanto, o exercício de um Smart power, o hábil e eficaz equilíbrio dos dois poderes mencionados só poderá acontecer dentro de um condomínio de boa vontade entre os países da região. Uma Segurança Cooperativa Sustentável para América Latina, com participação seminal dos países do Cone Sul será o objeto de análise deste trabalho. O Brasil e seus vizinhos do Cone Sul, com um peso específico importante na região, devem demonstrar Vontade Nacional e capacidade operativa para facilitar a realização de consensos entre os países envolvidos para garantir uma gestão sustentável da agenda regional de segurança. Isto se torna de particular premência numa conjuntura internacional onde ameaças e desafios relativos a região carecem de qualquer prioridade global, enquanto graves crises atuais e futuras imediatas se ensejam em zonas mais críticas ao Sistema Internacional. Como conseqüência caberá aos países da sub-região exercer eficientemente a vigilância, a prevenção e a rápida solução das ameaças e desafios a segurança. / The inexistence of a regional actor with the required excess of power is observed when considering the International Security of Latin America. Both in Hard power, the economical, military and mobilization powers, and in Soft power, the passive leadership obtained by persuasion of the convenience of imitation, as well as by the conviction of better results granted from cooperation with the leader or primus inter pares. Therefore, the exercise of Smart power, the efficient balance of the afore mentioned powers, can only succeed within an ambient of good will among the nations of the region. For Latin America a Sustainable Cooperative Security, with a seminal role of the countries of the Southern Cone will be the object of analysis of this study. Brazil and its Southern Cone neighbors, with their important specific weight in the region, must make explicit their National Will and operative capacity to enable the consensuses needed among the countries involved to assure a sustainable management of the regional security agenda. These factors are of paramount importance in an international context when threats and challenges related to this region lack any global prominence, at a time when the gravest present, and immediate future, crisises happen in most critical regions of the international System. Consequently, the countries of this sub-region will be forced to efficiently manage by themselves the surveillance, the preventive measures, and the swift solution of threats and challenges to the regions security.

The doctoral thesis Czechoslovakia and the Southern Cone 1945-1989 analyses political, economic and cultural relations between an important country of the Eastern Bloc and three countries of the southernmost area of South America - Argentina, Chile and Uruguay - during the Cold War. The main objective of the thesis is to interpret unpublished Czech and foreign archives. The first chapter outlines Czechoslovak policy towards Latin America in the period under consideration. The following sections describe the relations between Czechoslovakia and the individual countries of the Southern Cone. These chapters are divided according to the nature of relations into political, economic and cultural contacts. Each of these three parts is further divided into subsections which correspond to important milestones of mutual relations. The thesis ends with an interview with Stanislav Svoboda, a senior diplomat of communist Czechoslovakia. His observations shed new light on the archive documents. Without abandoning the effort of presenting foreign researchers with the value of Czech archives, whose importance is further increased by the limited accessibility of Russian archives, the paper attempts to analyse the issue in the broader context of international politics. In a bipolar world, each of these countries had...

The purpose of this study is to examine the Colombian conflict, more specifically how it became peace in Colombia after five decades. The study will be limited by year due to the scope of the study. The analysis will specifically focus on the years 2002 to 2016. This essay is a case study, with the Colombia conflict as the focus. Furthermore, the theoretical framework for the thesis will mainly be the rational choice model.  The analysis is based on various analysis tools and an analysis model. This will be consistent in the study that constitutes the main investigation in the thesis. The theoretical perspectives will be examined using the article "Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis" written by Graham Allison and Philip Zelikow. Furthermore, other relevant articles will be processed to get a better analysis of the Colombia conflict. The articles will, among other things, be of great help in answering the study's questions - In what way can the theory of rational choice explain the conflict resolution in Colombia between the years 2002–2016? And Which motives have primarily governed the state, the FARC guerrillas, and the AUC - paramilitary group.