This graduate report, more than a formal description of the artistic developments I have gradually acknowledged, is a personal and perhaps arbitrary recollection of ideas that might help the reader–and me–understand the nature of the gestures that have evidently influenced the work I have produced in the past two years. These words belong to an inevitable act of introspection that seeks to validate some of the questions that have directed my artistic investigation throughout this time. I believe my work derives from two different and yet relevant positions: on one hand, the need to find meaning out of brutal events that have indisputably marked the course of history, specially in Colombia–my home country–where victims appear to loose their voices in a context ruled by indifference and apathy; and, on the other, the desire to understand what controls the reception of violent imagery as we depend on how social location, collective identification and political affiliation dictate the way we perceive the world. Each project mentioned in this report is a result of studying obsessively the political kidnappings that have been taking place in Colombia in the past twenty years, as a response to an allegedly abuse of power induced by the government against Las FARC, one of the most powerful guerrilla groups in Latin America. However each one is far from being a true document of real events and on the contrary, each one emerges as a naïve interpretation, possibly an illustration, of an ambiguous conflict that has no reasonable explanation but being a natural product of a conservative warfare–which in fact is no less than a reading made by a distant and passive witness like myself. / text

Esta dissertação consiste na análise da evolução da política de segurança do governo colombiano entre 2008 e 2016 para lidar com as FARC, conjuntamente com a análise da evolução das preferências de atores políticos domésticos e internacionais que compuseram uma representação da sociedade colombiana e de suas relações internacionais em momentos-chave desta transição. As preferências destes atores foram agrupadas em tipos ideais: a favor da exclusividade do combate militar ou de negociações que, informalmente reunidas, formam coalizões multiníveis em prol de uma ou outra diretriz. O objetivo foi identificar qual sustentação política possibilitou uma ruptura na política de segurança colombiana antes exclusivamente voltada ao combate e que se direcionou para o início de negociações dado que, diferentemente das duas rupturas anteriores, esta não foi resultado de uma escolha direta da população nas eleições presidenciais. A hipótese sustentada na pesquisa é que mudanças contextuais ocorreram simultaneamente nos âmbitos doméstico e internacional e que ambas foram igualmente necessárias para o sucesso desta transição. Estas mudanças contextuais geraram também uma mudança de narrativa da promoção da imagem da Colômbia como um Estado frágil para a de um país em franco desenvolvimento. A contribuição a que esta pesquisa se propõe é romper a barreira de análise destes dois âmbitos tratados na literatura primordialmente de forma cindida, impondo um empecilho para a compreensão desta política que é simultaneamente doméstica e internacional, impedindo uma maior compreensão dos mecanismos causais da sua evolução. Esta análise simultânea permitiu identificar um descompasso entre o entusiasmo internacional com a negociação e um cenário doméstico polarizado com preferências conflitantes. Os elementos que a pesquisa encontra como determinantes para esta transição são que este conflito, que fora intensamente internacionalizado, ter passado por um processo de \"renacionalização\" e também de estagnação em um confronto de baixa intensidade, redistribuindo os custos e os pesos dos atores politicamente determinantes. Em relação aos atores políticos, a pesquisa identifica que foram necessários para a transição: o presidente colombiano e as FARC, o Congresso colombiano, EUA e Venezuela. O apoio direto da mídia, da opinião pública e da União Europeia não teriam sido necessários, mas são importantes para a consistência política e para o sucesso na implementação da negociação e do processo transicional. / This work is an analysis of how the Colombian security policy to deal with FARC evolved between 2008 and 2016 and an analysis of how evolved the preferences of domestic and international political actors that composed a representation of the Colombian society and its international relations around key moments of this transition. The preferences of those actors were grouped in two ideal types: in favor of the military combat versus those favoring negotiations. Informally united, those actors formed multilevel coalitions in favor of one of those preferences. The goal was to identify which was the political support that enabled a radical change in the Colombian security policy from the military combat to negotiation considering that, differently from the two preceding political changes, this was not the result of a direct popular choice through presidential elections. The hipotesis sustained in this research is that contextual changes happened both in the domestic and international spheres and that both were necessary to enable this policy transition. Those contextual evolutions also generated the change of the main Colombian political narrative, from the promotion of the Colombian image as a fragile State to the one of a country in full development. This work contributes to break the analytical barrier between the domestic and international spheres, treated mostly as separated parts in the academy, which constitutes a barrier to the comprehension of this policy that is simultaneously domestic and international, demanding a double level analysis to understand its causal mechanisms. This simultaneous analysis enabled the identification of a large imbalance among the constant international enthusiasm and many conflicting preferences at the polarized domestic sphere. The factors that the research finds as determinant to this transition were the fact that this conflict that was intensely internationalized passed by a process of \'renationalization\' and by a process of stagnation at a low intensety confrontation redistributing the operational and political costs and also the relative relevance of the intervening political actors. Regarding these political actors, the research identified that the Presidency, FARC, Colombian congress, USA and Venezuela were necessary to the policy transition. The direct support from the Colombian population, the media and the European Union were not necessary, but were important to the political consistency and will be crucial to the success of the transitional process.

Esta dissertação consiste na análise da evolução da política de segurança do governo colombiano entre 2008 e 2016 para lidar com as FARC, conjuntamente com a análise da evolução das preferências de atores políticos domésticos e internacionais que compuseram uma representação da sociedade colombiana e de suas relações internacionais em momentos-chave desta transição. As preferências destes atores foram agrupadas em tipos ideais: a favor da exclusividade do combate militar ou de negociações que, informalmente reunidas, formam coalizões multiníveis em prol de uma ou outra diretriz. O objetivo foi identificar qual sustentação política possibilitou uma ruptura na política de segurança colombiana antes exclusivamente voltada ao combate e que se direcionou para o início de negociações dado que, diferentemente das duas rupturas anteriores, esta não foi resultado de uma escolha direta da população nas eleições presidenciais. A hipótese sustentada na pesquisa é que mudanças contextuais ocorreram simultaneamente nos âmbitos doméstico e internacional e que ambas foram igualmente necessárias para o sucesso desta transição. Estas mudanças contextuais geraram também uma mudança de narrativa da promoção da imagem da Colômbia como um Estado frágil para a de um país em franco desenvolvimento. A contribuição a que esta pesquisa se propõe é romper a barreira de análise destes dois âmbitos tratados na literatura primordialmente de forma cindida, impondo um empecilho para a compreensão desta política que é simultaneamente doméstica e internacional, impedindo uma maior compreensão dos mecanismos causais da sua evolução. Esta análise simultânea permitiu identificar um descompasso entre o entusiasmo internacional com a negociação e um cenário doméstico polarizado com preferências conflitantes. Os elementos que a pesquisa encontra como determinantes para esta transição são que este conflito, que fora intensamente internacionalizado, ter passado por um processo de \"renacionalização\" e também de estagnação em um confronto de baixa intensidade, redistribuindo os custos e os pesos dos atores politicamente determinantes. Em relação aos atores políticos, a pesquisa identifica que foram necessários para a transição: o presidente colombiano e as FARC, o Congresso colombiano, EUA e Venezuela. O apoio direto da mídia, da opinião pública e da União Europeia não teriam sido necessários, mas são importantes para a consistência política e para o sucesso na implementação da negociação e do processo transicional. / This work is an analysis of how the Colombian security policy to deal with FARC evolved between 2008 and 2016 and an analysis of how evolved the preferences of domestic and international political actors that composed a representation of the Colombian society and its international relations around key moments of this transition. The preferences of those actors were grouped in two ideal types: in favor of the military combat versus those favoring negotiations. Informally united, those actors formed multilevel coalitions in favor of one of those preferences. The goal was to identify which was the political support that enabled a radical change in the Colombian security policy from the military combat to negotiation considering that, differently from the two preceding political changes, this was not the result of a direct popular choice through presidential elections. The hipotesis sustained in this research is that contextual changes happened both in the domestic and international spheres and that both were necessary to enable this policy transition. Those contextual evolutions also generated the change of the main Colombian political narrative, from the promotion of the Colombian image as a fragile State to the one of a country in full development. This work contributes to break the analytical barrier between the domestic and international spheres, treated mostly as separated parts in the academy, which constitutes a barrier to the comprehension of this policy that is simultaneously domestic and international, demanding a double level analysis to understand its causal mechanisms. This simultaneous analysis enabled the identification of a large imbalance among the constant international enthusiasm and many conflicting preferences at the polarized domestic sphere. The factors that the research finds as determinant to this transition were the fact that this conflict that was intensely internationalized passed by a process of \'renationalization\' and by a process of stagnation at a low intensety confrontation redistributing the operational and political costs and also the relative relevance of the intervening political actors. Regarding these political actors, the research identified that the Presidency, FARC, Colombian congress, USA and Venezuela were necessary to the policy transition. The direct support from the Colombian population, the media and the European Union were not necessary, but were important to the political consistency and will be crucial to the success of the transitional process.

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

CHARLES UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES Institute of Political Studies Department of Security Studies Master's Thesis 2020 Antonela Ramljak CHARLES UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES Institute of Political Studies Department of Security Studies Gender - Responsive DDR: Social, Economic and Political Reincorporation of Women Ex-combatants in Colombia Master's Thesis Author: Antonela Ramljak Study program: Master in International Security Studies (MISS) Supervisor: doc. Dr. Emil Aslan, Ph.D. Year of project submission: 2020 Declaration 1. I hereby declare that I have compiled this thesis using the listed literature and resources only. 2. I hereby declare that my thesis has not been used to gain any other academic title. 3. I fully agree to my work being used for study and scientific purposes. In Prague on Antonela Ramljak References RAMLJAK, Antonela. Gender - Responsive DDR: Social, Economic and Political Reincorporation of Women Ex-combatants in Colombia. Praha, 2020. 81 pages. Master's thesis (Mgr.). Charles University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute of Political Studies. Department of Security Studies. Supervisor doc. PhDr. Emil Aslan, Ph.D. Length of the thesis: 104.637 characters Abstract Discussions on women in wars have oftentimes been limited to their stories as survivors of conflict...

RESUME en français : La confrontation armée en Colombie se distingue par sa durée, son intensité et sa complexité. L’un des acteurs principaux de cet affrontement est la guérilla des FARC. Leur étude, à partir de la théorie de la reconnaissance d’Axel Honneth, permet de prendre en compte le rôle des besoins de reconnaissance, exprimés par ce groupe et ses membres, dans le développement du conflit. En effet, la violence guérillera plonge ses racines dans des dénis de reconnaissance dans les sphères de l’affection (maltraitance infantile, violence intrafamiliale, exactions des groupes armés), du droit (privation de droits-exclusion) et de la solidarité (indignité-injustice). Les aspects de la lutte pour la reconnaissance, menée par ce mouvement, ont évolué dans le temps, en fonction des interactions avec d’autres acteurs comme le gouvernement colombien et des variables comme le narcotrafic, passant d’une lutte pour l’obtention de la dignité et de l’égalité, à une lutte pour le prestige et l’affirmation d’identités idéalisées. / The armed confrontation in Colombia is characterized by its duration, intensity and complexity. FARC is one of the main actors of this war. The study of the Colombian guerrilla from the perspective of Axel Honneth's theory, the struggle for recognition, allows us to take into account the role of recognition needs, as expressed by this group and his members, in the conflict evolution. Guerrilla violence plunges its roots into denials of recognition in the spheres of love (ill-treatment of children, domestic violence, exactions by armed groups), of rights (denial of rights, exclusion) and solidarity (denigration, insult). The FARC’s struggle for recognition gradually change over time depending on new variables, like drug trafficking, and the interactions with other actors (government, civil populations, etc.) passing from a struggle for dignity and equality to a struggle for status and the assertion of idealized identities.

This thesis was devoted to the topic FARC-EP Fuerzas armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia - Ejército del Pueblo (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - People's Army). The first part surveys the history of the guerrilla organization from its beginnings to the present. As the beginning of the Colombian guerrilla groups is considered Colombia's La Violencia civil war between 1948-1958 which was caused by disagreements between liberal and conservative party. FARC-EP incurred as a rural guerrilla movement of the Communist Party fraction, and they followed the Marxist doctrine. However, the communist ideals were nowadays replaced by the desire for more power and finance. The historical part of this work was therefore also dedicated to find answers to what is the organizational structure of the FARC, what is the origin of their financing and what are their current targets. In the second part of the thesis the media covering the period from 1st January 2002 to 31st August 2010 was analyzed. This period begins seven months before the onset of ex-president Alvaro Uribe Velez to the presidency after Andres Pastrana and ends one month after the onset of the new president Juan Manuel Santos. It includes more than two presidential periods of Alvaro Uribe and events that contributed to his election, and also the end of...

The aim with this study is to achieve an increased understanding and knowledge about terrorist groups. The factors that the study come to be focused around is the groups' objectives, their organization, which enemies they have and with which means that they use for there terrorism. In order to respond to this aim the four different terrorist groups, Colombian revolutionary armed forces (FARC), Baskien - our native country and our freedom (ETA), red Army fraction (RAF) and al Qaida is studied. To achieve the aim of this study the methods qualitative text analysis and comparative method is being used. It is designed also within the framework of this study a categorization model that is used as method in order to do a division of the studied groups based on their objective, enemies, organization and means. The model is also constructed to be used in order to analyze others terrorist groups than these current groups. The result of the study is presented in the categorization model on page 32 in the essay.

<p>The aim with this study is to achieve an increased understanding and knowledge about terrorist groups. The factors that the study come to be focused around is the groups' objectives, their organization, which enemies they have and with which means that they use for there terrorism. In order to respond to this aim the four different terrorist groups, Colombian revolutionary armed forces (FARC), Baskien - our native country and our freedom (ETA), red Army fraction (RAF) and al Qaida is studied.</p><p>To achieve the aim of this study the methods qualitative text analysis and comparative method is being used. It is designed also within the framework of this study a categorization model that is used as method in order to do a division of the studied groups based on their objective, enemies, organization and means. The model is also constructed to be used in order to analyze others terrorist groups than these current groups.</p><p>The result of the study is presented in the categorization model on page 32 in the essay.</p>

The government of Colombia and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) have signed agreements heralding an era of “peace” for the country. While the end of the confrontation brings many opportunities, it also poses numerous challenges. This article argues that the most significant of these challenges is the potential for the conflict to merely transform into a socio-environmental conflict. Indeed, the mere signing of the peace agreements does not constitute a guarantee to prevent the escalation of conflict in some regions. To prevent this, the dynamics of dialogue and consensus evidenced in the negotiations that took place in Havana must be replicated at a local level in the territories that once were dominated by the FARC. Improved security conditions deriving from the ceasefire have shown propitious for the development of extractive activities in territories previously ridden by armed conflict. But while the dynamism of the mining and energy sector provides significant opportunity for economic development, it has coincided with the intensification of socio-environmental conflict in several regions of the country. If the government does not address these rising conflicts between multi-nationals and local populations, what is now fertile ground for peacebuilding could prove to be the beginning of a new form of long-lasting violent conflict. / El gobierno de Colombia y las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) han suscrito los acuerdos que presagian una era de “paz” para el país. Si bien el fin del enfrentamiento armado trae consigo muchas oportunidades, plantea a su vez muchos retos. La firma de los acuerdos de paz no constituye una garantía para evitar la intensificación del conflicto en algunas regiones. Las dinámicas de diálogo y concertación de las mesas de negociación de La Habana deben replicarse en los territorios que otrora fueron dominados por las FARC si no se quiere incrementar el conflicto, particularmente el socioambiental. El mejoramiento de las condiciones de seguridad que derivan del cese al fuego entre ambos bandos se ha mostrado propicio para el desarrollo de actividades extractivas en territorios donde hasta hace poco estuvieron vedadas. El reciente dinamismo del sector minero energético coincide con el escalamiento del conflicto socioambiental en numerosos territorios del país. Ante esta situación, la promoción del desarrollo por el Estado colombiano constituye un complejo desafío en el contexto de construcción de la paz.