O objetivo do trabalho é compreender como os Estados e os órgãos de segurança articulam-se no combate do crime organizado transnacional. As hipóteses foram analisadas em três perspectivas: 1.) identificação das mudanças ocorridas no crime organizado que levaram à superação do conceito tradicional de organização hierárquica para a sua nova articulação através das redes difusas de atuação econômica, com a abertura de espaço para a atuação de novos atores; 2.) definição da influência da transnacionalização do crime na mudança da percepção dos Estados em relação à segurança, transpondo o debate da perspectiva política para a perspectiva da segurança humana, identificado no processo de securitização proposto pela Escola de Copenhague, através das medidas adotadas no plano interno, regional e internacional; e 3.) observação da influência que os valores compartilhados exercem nos órgãos destinados à manutenção da segurança, possibilitando a criação das comunidades de cooperação policial internacional. Conclui pela necessidade de alterar os paradigmas de análise do crime organizado, traçando novas perspectivas sob o enfoque do processo de securitização, da segurança humana, da cooperação e do consenso, com destaque ao papel exercido pela Interpol e a Europol. / The objective of this work is to understand how the states and the public safety security articulate fight against transnational organized crime. The hypotheses were tested in three perspectives: 1.) Identification of changes in organized crime that led to overcome the traditional concept of hierarchical organization and its new articulation through the diffuse economical networks activity, with the opening of space for the performance of new actors, 2.) Define the crime transnationalization influence in the State changing perception in relation to security, transposing the discussion of political perspective to the perspective of human security, identified in the securitization process, developed by the School of Copenhagen through, and the measures adopted in the internal, regional and international level, and 3.) Observe the influence of shared values on the organs responsible for security maintaining, enabling the creation of international police cooperation. Concluded by the need to change the paradigms of analysis on organized crime, setting out new perspectives in focus of the securitization process, human security, cooperation and consensus, highlighting the role played by Interpol and Europol

O objetivo geral deste trabalho é analisar a recente fase de integração da América do Sul a partir da estratégia da política externa brasileira no governo do presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, com ênfase nas instituições desta integração, utilizando a análise dos discursos e ações, a comparação histórica a processos e períodos relacionados à integração na região e em outras regiões, bem como os condicionantes nacionais, regionais e internacionais. Partimos da premissa de que o sistema internacional está fragmentado em sua ordem, num movimento cíclico da economia capitalista com reestruturação científico-tecnológica de alta intensidade, forjando-se um cenário multipolar em blocos onde se destacam processos de integração regional. A estratégia de integração do governo Lula se dá a partir da conjunção de três principais vertentes: infraestrutura com a IIRSA, econômico-comercial com a ampliação do Mercosul, e política com a Unasul, que se desdobra em áreas sensíveis como a segurança e defesa. A OTCA recebe um tratamento especial por parte da diplomacia brasileira, objetivando não abrir espaços para o aparecimento de iniciativas de influência externa na região Amazônica, seja de Estados ou ONG. A estratégia de integração do governo Lula é solidária com objetivos de médio e longo prazo, não intervencionista sem ser indiferente, objetivando o fortalecimento de sua posição regional e daí internacionalmente, possui características institucionais de neofuncionalismo com intergovernamentalismo, enfatizando a diminuição das assimetrias, com o Brasil assumindo o papel de país pagador. Em comparação com o mais avançado processo de integração, a União Europeia, a integração sulamericana não permite vislumbrar o mesmo alcance de complementaridade econômica que tornou a experiência no velho continente um ator importante no cenário internacional. Comparada às experiências na região latina e sulamericana, existem semelhanças na trajetória institucional e nas dificuldades político, econômica e institucionais de concretização de uma União Aduaneira, como no Mercosul, bem como na flexibilidade e gradualismo deste. Por outro lado as diferenças em termos de integração física, de um país pagador, do foco nas assimetrias, na diminuição das desigualdades sociais, dos condicionantes internacionais, regionais e nacionais remetem a um processo em formação, como nunca na história do Brasil. / The general objective of this study is to analyze the recent phase of South America integration concerning to the international politics strategy of the Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva administration, focusing on the institutions, using the analysis of the speeches and actions, the historical comparisons between periods and processes related to integration in the region and other regions, as well as national, regional and international constraints. Our premise is that the international system is fragmented in its order, in a cyclical movement of capitalist economy with high intensity scientific-technological restructuring that forges a multipolar scenario in blocks which highlight regional integration processes. The integration strategy of the Lula’s administration happens from the conjunction of three main areas: infrastructure to IIRSA, economic-trade with expansion of Mercosul, and politics with Unasul, which unfolds in sensitive areas such as security and defense. OTCA receives a special treatment by the Brazilian diplomacy, aiming to open spaces for the emergence of initiatives from outside influence in the Amazon region, whether by States or NGOs. The integration strategy of the Lula administration is sympathetic with medium and long term targets, non-interventionist but not being indifferent, aiming to strengthen its regional and international position, has institutional characteristics of neofunctionalism with intergovernmental relations, emphasizing the reduction of asymmetries, with Brazil assuming the role of paymaster. Compared with the more advanced integration process – the European Union – the South American integration do not reveal the same range of economic complementarity that has became the Old World experience a key player in the international arena. Compared to the experiences in Latin and South American region, there are similarities in the institutional history and also in the political, economic and institutional difficulties for implementation of a Customs Union, as in Mercosul, as well as this flexibility and gradualism. Otherwise the differences in terms of physical integration, for a payer country, the focus on asymmetries, in the reduction of social inequalities, as well as international, regional and national determinants resolve to a formation process, as ever in the history of Brazil.

Este estudo propõe uma análise sobre Le Monde Diplomatique Brasil. Nascido na França em 1954, Le Monde Diplomatique conta atualmente com mais de 60 edições internacionais, publicadas em 25 idiomas. Em agosto de 2007, o periódico passou a ter uma edição impressa no Brasil, com a proposta de se posicionar como uma alternativa editorial politizada, declaradamente antiimperialista, antineoliberal e altermundialista. A partir da análise de suas doze primeiras edições publicadas no Brasil (entre agosto de 2007 e julho de 2008), esta dissertação busca evidenciar as ideias presentes na revista a respeito da realidade sóciopolítica contemporânea, com ênfase especial sobre a América Latina. Duas vertentes se cruzam nesta análise: a linha editorial e a linha política de Le Monde Diplomatique Brasil, sublinhando seus papéis na imprensa e na política. Pretende-se destacar que tais duas questões cruzadas são elos da mesma corrente. E que essa corrente aponta para a busca de uma nova narrativa para uma história possível. / This study proposes an analysis of Le Monde Diplomatique Brasil. Created in 1954 in France, Le Monde Diplomatique currently has more than 60 international editions published in 25 languages. Since august 2007, the magazine has a Brazilian printed edition, which intends to position itself as an alternative media, publically anti-imperialist, anti-neoliberal and alterglobalization (also known as alter-mundialization from the French altermondialisme). From the editorial review of its twelve first editions published in Brazil (between August 2007 and July 2008), this study wants to highlight the ideas printed in the magazine about the social and political contemporary reality, with special attention to Latin America. Two lines are crossed in this analysis: the editorial line and the political line of Le Monde Diplomatique Brasil, underscoring its role in the fields of media and international politics. Therefore, this study wants to highlight that these two issues are cross-links of the same chain. And that points to the search for a new narrative for a possible history.

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T05:03:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Amusquivar_ErikaLaurinda_M.pdf: 4351366 bytes, checksum: effd17d80563de85a9c3d69455dbfe3b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: Esta dissertação de mestrado, intitulada O papel da política de segurança dos Estados Unidos no Sistema Internacional no pós-Guerra Fria, busca analisar a postura dos Estados Unidos em promover políticas militaristas ao instalar bases militares ao redor do mundo a partir do final do século XX e início do século XXI. Deriva-se dessa discussão dois debates. O primeiro - debate interno - foca na consecução da política de segurança dos Estados Unidos recomendado pelo think tank neoconservador PNAC (Project for the New American Century) por meio da consolidação do sistema de alianças militares entre Estados Unidos e da Europa - a Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte - OTAN. Essa política seria um ferramental estratégico para a manutenção da hegemonia estadunidense que, após os ataques terroristas de 11 de Setembro aos Estados Unidos, se incorporaria nos documentos oficiais de política de segurança do país. O segundo debate - externo - discorre sobre a insuficiência desse projeto ao criticar o modelo de política de segurança adotado. Partindo da premissa que essas políticas estiveram na contramão do que se apostava ao final dos anos 90, essa crítica se pauta na análise da mudança na política de segurança estadunidense, que não se sustentaria no novo século. Por isso o segundo debate contempla outros fatores primordiais desconsiderados pelo projeto neoconservador. Ressalta-se que o objeto referente à concretização da política de segurança do PNAC para o sistema de alianças da OTAN envolve um debate complexo - Império, imperialismo, militarismo - que não será abordado aqui senão tangencialmente, na medida em que o tratamento do nosso objeto o exigir. Isto porque são temas teoricamente densos, que exigiriam um estudo de outra envergadura / Abstract: This Master's Degree thesis, entitled The role of the Security Policy of the United States in the International System following the Cold War, seeks to analyze the posture of the United States in promoting militaristic policies to install military bases around the world from the late twentieth and early twenty-first century. From this discussion, two debates are derived. The first - the internal debate - focuses on achieving the security policy of the United States recommended by the neoconservative think thank PNAC (Project for the New American Century) by consolidating the system of military alliances between the United States and Europe - North Atlantic Treaty Organization-NATO. This Policy would be a strategic tool for the maintenance of the U.S. Hegemony that, after the September 11th terrorist attacks to the United States, would be incorporated in the official documents of the country's security policy. The second debate - external - stems from the failure of this project to criticize the security policy adopted. Assuming that these policies were contrary to the ideals supported by the late '90s, this critique is guided in the analysis of change in the U.S. security policy, which is not sustained in the new century. Therefore, the second debate addresses other key factors not considered by the neoconservative project. It is noteworthy that the object which relates to the implementation of the security policy of the PNAC for the alliance system of NATO involves a complex debate - Empire, Imperialism, Militarism - which will not be discussed, but tangentially, to the extent that the treatment of our object requires. The reason being that it involves theoretically dense issues, which would require a study of another magnitude / Mestrado / Relações Internacionais / Mestre em Ciência Política

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T13:08:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vicente_TainaDias_M.pdf: 1332018 bytes, checksum: fa776f5addff76cca859bd3f89712053 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Esse trabalho é resultado do estudo do processo de negociação do acordo de cooperação nuclear civil, concluído em outubro de 2008, entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia. A pergunta que surge ao deparar com este objeto é como os países concluíram um acordo tão sensível às duas partes tendo um histórico de discordâncias em relação à política nuclear? Tratando-se de um tema sensível e de caráter estratégico, como a questão nuclear, chama a atenção que esses países, distantes na política internacional, tenham se aproximado a tal ponto. O trabalho discorre, portanto, sobre o processo de construção do acordo de cooperação nuclear civil que vem inserido em um contexto de aproximação diplomática e estratégica cuja iniciativa partira dos Estados Unidos. Algumas das motivações e implicações do acordo serão abordadas ao longo do trabalho, mas o objetivo é mostrar como ocorreu o processo de aproximação institucional entre os Estados Unidos e a Índia que resultou no acordo de cooperação nuclear civil / Abstract: This work is a result of the study of the negotiation process of the nuclear cooperation deal concluded in October, 2005, between United States and India. The question that emerges when we face this object is how countries with such a historical disagreement about nuclear politics could find a common ground in such a sensitive matter? It calls our attention that these divergent countries in international politics could approximate in the nuclear matter being this a sensitive theme and with a strategic character. This dissertation is about the process of building civil nuclear cooperation deal inserted in the context of diplomatic approximation and strategic initiative which departed from the United States. Some of the motivations and implications of the deal are going to be addressed. However, the main objective is to show how the process of institutional approximation between United States and India that resulted in a pacific nuclear deal occurred / Mestrado / Política Externa / Mestre em Relações Internacionais

The aim of this thesis is to understand and demonstrate the narrow ties between sport and International Relations. My purpose is to examine how Football especially is mixed with International Relations in many levels. The theoretical framework deals with the nationalism theories. Nationalism theories have been relevant only for the last two decades. Nationalism has been developed in the two last centuries with the industrialisation. It can be considered as a political doctrine or ideology. The definition of Nationalism is not obvious because there are no founding theorist or text on it. This process of nationalism induced nations to existence or self-determination. But extreme nationalism can be a danger. Nationals symbols have been created like language, food and drink, clothing, commemorative holidays, military heroes, flags, colours, and anthems. Sport should not be forgotten in this Nationalism ideology. A qualitative study of all the books have been studied carefully. The thesis is based on a long historical approach that permitted to demonstrate the links between sport and International Relations. Pierre de Coubertin wanted Olympics to bring peace and without political means, but the situation changed rapidly everything and government policies were really influenced by sports. Not only totalitarian states but also democratic ones have been using sport for their propaganda to promote national strength. It has been like a trigger mechanism, everyone has understood how to use sport for diplomatic relations and it is a safer and harmless way than a war. Then a study of national identity construction will be the second goal. Governments are now involved in sport to promote the prestige of a group. The other reason is to encourage a sense of identity, belonging and unity. Sport as a diplomatic tool can be considered like a public diplomacy to influence opinion. Football passion is shared by every citizen and helps us to understand the complexity of the world with its conflicting nations. In all this complicated situation, the Nordic nationalism is a fascinating new direction of peace and tolerance. For example, the Danes showed a festive way to support national teams that we can call a ‘sporting nationalism’.

Résumé non disponible / No summary

The way we understand the term health is being changed significantly under continuous globalisation. Even though in the past, health issues were a concern of a particular country, today, as a result of intensive trade and travelling, these issues reach beyond the boarders of national states and influence millions of people around the world consequently. Thus, the issue of health is moving from the national to the international level and a new concept of Global health emerges. Global health is a notion, which has evoked a lot of interest among politicians, academics, theoreticians, and within the whole international community, too. The international community is aware of its responsibility for global improvements to health through collective action. Thus, this thesis is aimed at the analysis of the development and practice of diplomacy in the sphere of health, as well as identifying the reasons of international co-operation of states in this field. The thesis concludes that the co-operation in global health is based on moral values, which are included in human right to health. Lastly, thesis scrutinizes human right to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of health.

This study offers an alternative analysis of the current literature regarding foreign involvement in the Syria civil war. The initials briefly describe the current situation in Syria, international relations and why the conflict is interesting to analyse from a scientific standpoint. The relevant actors and theoretical construction are also introduced. In the previous research chapter, the current research is presented concerning the global superpowers as well as the interventions that have taken place in Syria. In the theory chapter realism and liberalism are presented, and a number of important factors are discussed. In the result, the decisions and events that have taken place during the conflict in Syria is analysed through the lens of previous named theories. The actors studied are the USA and Russia. There are both realistic and liberalist elements in the decisions made by the actors. The final part of the essay discusses the result. The underlying interest of the players largely determines which decision is ultimately taken. Moreover, there are underlying tones of realism even in clearly liberalistic decisions.

Media har en väldigt betydande roll i hur vi uppfattar det som sker runt om i världen. Uppfattningen vi får utifrån en händelse beror till stor del av hur media rapporterar kring den händelsen. Ryssland anses vara ett land som idag kan väcka en del känslor i olika sammanhang, allt från utrikespolitik till idrottsvärlden. I början av 2014 skrevs det mycket om Ryssland i samband med Ukraina konflikten. En konflikt som FN och västvärlden fördömt Ryssland för. Studien syftar till att förstå hur rysktalande och svenska medborgare upplever medierapporteringen kring Ryssland. Målet har varit att ta reda på om media kan ha påverkat människors uppfattning om Ryssland beroende på hur rapporteringen sett ut men även hur relationen mellan Sverige och Ryssland upplevts. Den metod som valdes för studien var kvalitativ intervju där intervjupersonerna var både rysktalande samt svenska medborgare. Resultatet har visat att samtliga respondenter upplevt att medierapporteringen kring Ryssland har varit negativ. Anledningarna till att rapporteringen upplevts negativ har varit olika både bland rysktalande och svenska medborgare. Samtliga respondenter menar även att nyhetsrapporteringen i media kan påverka ens uppfattning om Ryssland på så sätt att läsaren antingen inte är insatt i ämnet eller inte kritiskt granskat informationen som tagits del av och bildat sin uppfattning utifrån det media valt att framhäva. Vidare menar respondenterna att media med all rätt kan ifrågasätta den ryska politiken men menar samtidigt att det inte rättvist att svartmåla Ryssland. Den dåliga relationen mellan Sverige och Ryssland beror säkerligen på staternas olika ideologier, värderingar och intressen som varit en stor påverkan för hur relationen ser ut men även en förklaring till varför medierapporteringen ser ut som den gör. / The media has a significant impact on how we perceive the things that occur around the globe. The perception we receive about a specific incident has a lot to do with the way media reports about that significant incident. Russia is a nation that stirs up emotions in different contexts, it can be anything between politics and sports. In the beginning of 2014, there were a lot of reports about Russia concerning the Crimea crisis and the Ukrainian conflict which ended up with the west and USA condemning Russia. The purpose of this study is to give an insight on how the Russian speaking community and Swedish citizens experience the way the media reports on Russia. The goal is to figure out whether the media has an impact on people’s opinions because of the reports and because of the unstable relations between Sweden and Russia. The method that was used was a qualitative interview with Russian speaking Swedish citizens. The results has shown that all respondents agreed that the media reporting about russia has been negative. The Russian speaking community and the Swedish citizens have different reasons behind those feelings. All the respondents have also indicated that the news reporting in the media can affect a persons perception about russia, especially individuals who hasn’t done their own research because they will form their own opinion from the medias reporting.The respondents feel like the media has a right to question the politics in Russia but it’s not fair to put Russia in a bad light because of that. The bad relations between Russia and Sweden exists because of the different ideologies, values and interests of the two nations, which has had a huge impact on the relationship and it’s also an explanation to why the media reports on russia they way it does.