A ascensão de atores não estatais tem suscitado agendas de pesquisa que questionam a centralidade do Estado e de seus agentes na área de Relações Internacionais. A emergência do setor privado (empresas) e do chamado terceiro setor (ONGs) em temas de Regulação e Governança Global têm promovido um profícuo debate, de caráter interdisciplinar, com outras áreas do campo das Humanidades, especialmente o Direito e a Economia. A presente dissertação buscou demonstrar como o sucesso da atuação de atores não estatais na provisão de regras internacionais, para temas como meio ambiente, padrões trabalhistas, e responsabilidade socioambiental, depende de um grande número de variáveis, dificilmente circunscritas a uma única dimensão de análise. A pesquisa realiza uma ampla sistematização bibliográfica das diferentes literaturas em Ciência Política, Relações Internacionais e Economia Institucional e das Organizações sobre regulação e governança privada na busca de denominadores comuns para a compreensão do alcance e dos limites da atuação de atores privados na promoção de regras internacionais de comércio. O estudo de caso em tela versa sobre as dificuldades de influência e adesão dos agentes do sistema produtivo da soja no Brasil à iniciativa transnacional da Associação Internacional da Soja Responsável (RTRS), a partir de um modelo síntese elaborado para integrar as diferentes literaturas. As dimensões levantadas neste estudo evidenciam que variáveis políticas e econômicas geram incentivos para a criação de regras internacionais privadas capazes de harmonizar padrões de produção e comércio de soja em escala global. No entanto, argumenta-se que tais incentivos, no Brasil, não contribuem para a constituição de um ambiente institucional e econômico favorável ao sucesso das iniciativas transnacionais privadas de regulação. Dessa forma, o resultado é uma não conformidade entre os incentivos internacionais e a coordenação dos agentes privados brasileiros para a regulação da soja. / The rise of non-state actors has evoked research agendas that challenge the centrality of the State and its agents in the field of International Relations. The emergence of the private sector (businesses) and of the so-called third sector (NGOs) on Regulation and Global Governance issues have promoted a fruitful interdisciplinary debate with other areas of humanities, especially Law and Economics. This dissertation sought to demonstrate how non state actors success performance in the provision of international rules for issues such as environment, labor standards and environmental responsibility, depends on a large number of variables, hardly confined to a single dimension of analysis. The research conducts an extensive bibliographic systematization of different literatures in Political Science, International Relations and Institutional and Organizational Economics regarding regulation and private governance, seeking for common denominators to understand the scope and limits of private actors role in the promotion of international trade rules. The case study on the screen discusses the Brazilian soybean producers difficulties to influence and adhere to the transnational initiative of the International Association on Responsible Soy (RTRS), using a synthesis model developed to integrate different literatures. The dimensions raised in this study show that political and economic variables generate incentives for the creation of private international rules adequate for harmonizing soybean production and trade patterns globally. However, it is argued that such incentives in Brazil do not contribute to the creation of an institutional and economic environment propitious to the success of transnational private regulatory initiatives. Thus, the result is a non-conformity between international incentives and coordination of Brazilian private agents for soybean regulation.

Depuis les attaques du 11 septembre 2001 contre New York et Washington, D.C. le terme de « terrorisme » a pris une place prépondérante dans le discours politique américain. Profondément péjoratif et s’accompagnant indéfectiblement d’une forte condamnation morale, il a été utilisé afin d’expliquer et justifier le recours à la force armée dans de multiples régions de monde et l’imposition de limites aux libertés civiles des citoyens américains, et ce malgré l’absence de définition claire de ce concept au niveau américain comme au niveau international. Le discours américain sur le terrorisme fit son apparition sur la scène politique durant la dernière décennie de la Guerre froide, l’Union Soviétique et ses alliés « totalitaires » étant décrits par Ronald Reagan comme recourant au « terroriste international » afin d’assouvir leurs velléités hégémoniques et de mener une véritable guerre contre l’ensemble du monde civilisé, d’abord en Amérique centrale puis, de plus en plus souvent, au Moyen-Orient. Le président américain, s’exprimant dans un contexte d’énonciation protégé, n’eut jamais à proposer de définition explicite de ce terme. Les débats devant le Congrès, l’Assemblée Générale et le Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies révèlent eux par contre que ce concept était à l’époque fortement contesté au sein du pouvoir américain tout comme au niveau international, et que les représentants du gouvernement américain défendirent non pas un mais de multiples discours très différents les uns des autres et adaptés aux contextes d’énonciation propre à chacun de ces forums. Grâce à cette compartimentation rendue possible par l’absence d’une définition claire et acceptée par tous du « terrorisme », mais aussi au rôle joué par les experts et les médias, le discours américain put ainsi s’imposer malgré ses contradictions flagrantes, et après l’interlude des années 1990, faire son retour triomphant après le 11 septembre 2001. / Since the attacks of September 11, 2001 against New York and Washington, D.C., the term of « terrorism » took a dominating place in the American political speech. Deeply pejorative and always accompanied by a strong moral judgment, it has been used to explain and justify the use of force in several regions around the world and curbs on the civil liberties of American citizens, all in spite of the absence of a clear definition of this concept at the American as well as at the international level. The American discourse on terrorism made its appearance on the political scene during the last decade of the Cold war, the Soviet Union and its « totalitarian » allies being described by Ronald Reagan as resorting to « international terrorism » in order to fulfill their hegemonic goals and as waging a war against the whole civilized world, initially in Central America and then, more and more often, in the Middle East.The American president, expressing himself in a protected context, never had to put forth an explicit definition of the term. However, the debates in Congress, at the General Assembly and the Security Council of the United Nations reveal that this concept was strongly disputed at the time both within the American government and at the international level, and that the representatives of the American government defended not one but multiple and very different discourses, each adapted to its specific context of enunciation. Through this process of compartmentalization, made possible by the absence of a clear and widely-accepted definition of « terrorism » but also by the role played by experts and the media, the American discourse was able to impose itself on the political scene in spite of its internal contradictions and, after the interlude of the 1990s, to complete its triumphant comeback after September 11, 2001.

Taking as its starting point Nietzsche’s and Foucault’s theses on liberalism and war, and Dillon and Reid’s extensive engagement thereof, this thesis offers a critical conceptualization of drones and drone warfare. I argue that deployment of drones specifically over and against bodies and communities in conflict zones in and between Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq, Yemen, Somalia, and until recently, Libya, is the material practice of a legal and political doctrine and precedent that has been established and policed most prominently by the United States and its military and intelligence apparatuses since the end of the Cold War. This novel precedent, however - due to its necessarily mutually constitutive relationship with a perceived danger said to be emerging from specific spaces, bodies, and communities in the decolonized and still-colonized worlds - locates its ontological and thus political genealogy in the anthropological knowledge that legally justified the (in)humanity of peoples and communities in these spaces during the era of high imperialism that lasted roughly from the nineteenth to mid-twentieth centuries. I theorize this as a mode of political, tragic nihilism through a reading of some key theories of Deleuze and Guattari, Foucault, and Nietzsche and specifically, their import to the field of critical security and international relations theory. I demonstrate that the semiotic image of the drone is a highly pertinent point of departure through which we can understand these political stakes of strategic discourses enunciating the imperatives of both the Revolution in Military Affairs as well as recent global counterinsurgency/counterterrorism operations, specifically as they relate to claims about what it is drones are said to productively offer such militaristic projects. Ultimately, I argue that it is through the semiotic image of the drone as a clean, precise tactic that furthers the strategic goals of counterterrorism to target specific bodies that we can begin to politically theorize a particularly malignant political nihilism symptomatic of contemporary liberal societies. However, I also suggest that it is through Nietzsche’s politics of nihilism that we can begin to think about radical critical interventions that resist such a dangerous mode of politics. / Graduate

No abstract available / Political Sciences / M. A. (International Politics)

A ascensão de atores não estatais tem suscitado agendas de pesquisa que questionam a centralidade do Estado e de seus agentes na área de Relações Internacionais. A emergência do setor privado (empresas) e do chamado terceiro setor (ONGs) em temas de Regulação e Governança Global têm promovido um profícuo debate, de caráter interdisciplinar, com outras áreas do campo das Humanidades, especialmente o Direito e a Economia. A presente dissertação buscou demonstrar como o sucesso da atuação de atores não estatais na provisão de regras internacionais, para temas como meio ambiente, padrões trabalhistas, e responsabilidade socioambiental, depende de um grande número de variáveis, dificilmente circunscritas a uma única dimensão de análise. A pesquisa realiza uma ampla sistematização bibliográfica das diferentes literaturas em Ciência Política, Relações Internacionais e Economia Institucional e das Organizações sobre regulação e governança privada na busca de denominadores comuns para a compreensão do alcance e dos limites da atuação de atores privados na promoção de regras internacionais de comércio. O estudo de caso em tela versa sobre as dificuldades de influência e adesão dos agentes do sistema produtivo da soja no Brasil à iniciativa transnacional da Associação Internacional da Soja Responsável (RTRS), a partir de um modelo síntese elaborado para integrar as diferentes literaturas. As dimensões levantadas neste estudo evidenciam que variáveis políticas e econômicas geram incentivos para a criação de regras internacionais privadas capazes de harmonizar padrões de produção e comércio de soja em escala global. No entanto, argumenta-se que tais incentivos, no Brasil, não contribuem para a constituição de um ambiente institucional e econômico favorável ao sucesso das iniciativas transnacionais privadas de regulação. Dessa forma, o resultado é uma não conformidade entre os incentivos internacionais e a coordenação dos agentes privados brasileiros para a regulação da soja. / The rise of non-state actors has evoked research agendas that challenge the centrality of the State and its agents in the field of International Relations. The emergence of the private sector (businesses) and of the so-called third sector (NGOs) on Regulation and Global Governance issues have promoted a fruitful interdisciplinary debate with other areas of humanities, especially Law and Economics. This dissertation sought to demonstrate how non state actors success performance in the provision of international rules for issues such as environment, labor standards and environmental responsibility, depends on a large number of variables, hardly confined to a single dimension of analysis. The research conducts an extensive bibliographic systematization of different literatures in Political Science, International Relations and Institutional and Organizational Economics regarding regulation and private governance, seeking for common denominators to understand the scope and limits of private actors role in the promotion of international trade rules. The case study on the screen discusses the Brazilian soybean producers difficulties to influence and adhere to the transnational initiative of the International Association on Responsible Soy (RTRS), using a synthesis model developed to integrate different literatures. The dimensions raised in this study show that political and economic variables generate incentives for the creation of private international rules adequate for harmonizing soybean production and trade patterns globally. However, it is argued that such incentives in Brazil do not contribute to the creation of an institutional and economic environment propitious to the success of transnational private regulatory initiatives. Thus, the result is a non-conformity between international incentives and coordination of Brazilian private agents for soybean regulation.

Submitted by ELZE CAMILA FERREIRA RODRIGUES null (elzerodrigues@gmail.com) on 2016-06-06T19:02:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 RODRIGUES, Elze. (Dissertação) A atuação internacional do Brasil para as mudanças climáticas - as COP de 2009 a 2015.pdf: 1314961 bytes, checksum: 200eb2bbd9bf67956a9ed43d2124a102 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Juliano Benedito Ferreira (julianoferreira@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-06-07T13:44:15Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 rodrigues_ecf_me_mar.pdf: 1314961 bytes, checksum: 200eb2bbd9bf67956a9ed43d2124a102 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-07T13:44:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 rodrigues_ecf_me_mar.pdf: 1314961 bytes, checksum: 200eb2bbd9bf67956a9ed43d2124a102 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-03 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / No ano de 2009, durante a décima quinta edição da Conferência das Partes (COP) da Convenção-Quadro das Nações Unidas para as Mudanças Climáticas (UNFCCC, na sigla em inglês), a representação diplomática brasileira assumiu para o país um compromisso voluntário de redução das emissões nacionais de gases causadores do efeito estufa. Tal evento foi marcante no regime internacional de mudanças climáticas e na trajetória da política externa ambiental brasileira por conta do pioneirismo do país entre os intermediários que não pertencem ao Anexo I. Essa atitude da diplomacia brasileira é parte da conjuntura vivida pelo multilateralismo ambiental em que a tradicional clivagem Norte-Sul ganhava também a categoria intermediária das economias emergentes. A atuação do Brasil e de outros países dessa categoria teve reflexos nos debates nos anos posteriores à COP-15. O objetivo desse trabalho é, assim, analisar a atuação da diplomacia brasileira entre a COP-15 e a COP-21 diante dos desafios das mudanças climáticas e do multilateralismo. Para tanto, faz-se uma análise da política externa ambiental do país neste período, bem como um paralelo com a atuação dos países do BASIC na mesma cronologia. / In 2009, during the fifteenth edition of the Conference of the Parties (COP) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the Brazilian diplomatic representation took a voluntary commitment to reduce national emissions of greenhouse gas effect. This was an outstanding event in the international climate change regime and in the trajectory of Brazilian environmental foreign policy because of the country's pioneering among the intermediaries economies that do not belong to Annex I. This attitude of Brazilian diplomacy is a part of the framework experienced by environmental multilateralism where the traditional division between North-South includes now the intermediate category of emerging economies. The performance of Brazil and other countries in that category was reflected in the discussions in the years after COP-15. The aim of this study is to analyze the performance of Brazilian diplomacy between the COP-15 and COP-21 concerning the challenges of climate change and multilateralism. Therefore, it is an analysis of the Brazilian environmental foreign policy during this period as well as a comparison with the performance of the BASIC countries in the same timeline.

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Institutto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-14T22:31:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dalio_DaniloJose_M.pdf: 2052522 bytes, checksum: d044549918d8c794d75609dbfc3ecde8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: As relações com os Estados Unidos se constituíram como um dos fatores fundamentais nos planos industrializantes do segundo governo Vargas. Embora inserido em uma conjuntura "quente" da Guerra Fria, de indefinições e incertezas no conflito bipolar, as condições essenciais a uma "política de barganha" não pareciam esgotadas para o governo Vargas. Tanto o alinhamento político-militar como a cooperação econômica eram termos negociáveis na primeira metade dos anos 50. Trata-se, portanto, de entender como o governo Vargas articulou esses termos nas negociações com os Estados Unidos em prol do desenvolvimento econômico nacional. As contradições no governo varguista, provenientes de conflitos e interesses internos e internacionais, são objeto de divergências na historiografia brasileira, sobretudo no tocante à definição do caráter da política externa do governo Vargas, do sentido de seu nacionalismo e do seu projeto de desenvolvimento. A noção de barganha nacionalista-pragmática não pretende refutar essas contradições, mas servir como um fundamento sob o qual elas puderam objetivamente conviver / Abstract: Relations with the United States were established as one of the key factors at industrialization plans of the second Vargas government. Although embedded in a climate "hot" of the Cold War, the unknowns and uncertainties in the bipolar conflict, the conditions essential to a "political bargaining" did not seem exhausted for the Vargas government. Both the political-military alignment and economic cooperation were negotiable terms in the first half of the 50s. This is, therefore, to understand how the Vargas government articulated these terms in negotiations with the United States in support of national economic development. The government varguista contradictions, from conflicts and interests domestic and international, are subject to differences in the Brazilian historiography, with regard to defining the character of the foreign policy of the Vargas government, their sense of nationalism and its development projects. The concept of bargain-pragmatic nationalism is not intended to refute these contradictions, but serve as a basis under which they could live objectively / Mestrado / Relações Internacionais / Mestre em Ciência Política

Essay in Political Science, Advanced Course, by Christoffer Hagström “The Bush Administration´s view on international cooperation and international law and political-theoretical traditions influence on the administration´s foreign policy” Supervisor: Jan Olsson The purpose of this paper is to analyze the American foreign policy, particularly with regard to international cooperation and international law. The two following research-questions are used in order to fulfil the purpose: (1) what is the Bush-administrations´s view of of the place for international cooperation and international law in American foreign policy?, and (2) how does the administration´s foreign policy correspond to dominant political-theoretical thought-traditions? The traditions used are: liberalism, realism and neoconservatism. The sources of the study mostly include literature and policy-documents. The author conducts qualitative and quantitative content analysis of the Bush-administration´s policy document National Security Strategy of the United States from March 2006. First the document is summarized based on different criteria followed by categorizations of ideas connected with realism, liberalism and neoconservatism in the document. In the quantative analysis value-words that are appropriate for the various traditions is chosen. The frequency of those words can be seen as indications of the influence of the traditions in the thoughts of the Bush-administration, but is mostly seen as a complement to the qualtative analysis. The main conclusions of the paper are that the Bush-administration most often wish to act according to international law and to cooperate with other actors internationally in the long run, it may even be necessary. In the short run however, it may act outside the parameters of international organizations and international law in order to accomplish foreign policy-goals. Matters related to the security of the American state and people is considered much more important than international cooperation and law. Liberalism seems to be the tradition that has most affected the Bush-administration´s foreign policy. It is followed shortly thereafter by realism and neoconservatism seems to have had the least influence on the the thought-traditions. All of the them has been active in the making of the foreign policy.

No description available.

Historically, the USA and Russian Federation have been two world powers that used to compete for a dominant power position in the bipolar world and spread influence on less developed countries. Relationships between the USA and Russia have mostly been complex and tense,with several escalation periods during the Cold War. Relationships between the USA and Russia in the 21st century can also be characterized by complexity and ambiguousness. The issues emerged in the process of power struggle created more tension between countries. This study aims to research framing Russia in the National Security Strategy of the United States of America issued from 2002 to 2022. The thesis also includes a history of USA-Russia relationships, and a historical review of the National Security Strategy issued since 1986. The theory that is chosen for the research is social constructivism. Within a single case-study design,I use the framing analysis method to apply to data gathered from the empirical materials –original texts of the National Security Strategy of the United States of America that are total seven within the mentioned period. Along with other conclusions, I found a tendency of negative framing after 2014 when Russia annexed Crimea and the persuasive presence of such positive frames as partnership and development, and negative frames – threat, regress, economic impact and competitive nature of relationships between countries. The degree of attention of the USA towards Russia switched periodically from being reasonably even in four issues of the National Security Strategy to bringing Russia in focus. The USA brought Russia to the most attention in 2022 and was least concentrated on Russia in the 2021 report.