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The dissertation is a comparative study of the government counter terrorism policies of the liberal democratic nations of Canada, the United States, and the United Kingdom. It includes reference to the threat of terrorism as a modem phenomenon beginning in the period of the 1960s decade. While discussion centres on policies of response, attention is also given to policy measures which have developed as an outcome of those policies. The dissertation is comprised of five chapters. Chapter one is devoted to terrorism as a threat to national and international security and stability. The context describes problems associated with definition of terrorism, motivational aspects, the aims and strategies of terrorists, group infrastructure, and factors and implications of current and future importance. Chapter two is concerned with an examination of general policies of response adopted by the three subject nations. Discussion relates to characteristics of policy, the philosophy of the use of force, policy development, fundamental policies, and the translation of those policies into direct (active) and indirect (passive) measures. Chapter three provides a description of the decision-making and crisis-management machinery peculiar to Canada, the United States, and the United Kingdom in regard to counter terrorism activity. Chapter four reviews a range of resources and capabilities available to those nations for response to the threat of terrorism. Specifically included are factors of policy, experience, infrastructure, law enforcement agencies, the armed forces, legislation, and the role of the media. Chapter five summarizes general comments on strengths and weaknesses of the policies and policy measures presented in the preceding chapters. Many of the salient points are contained in the observations put forward in chapter five, but some judgements must necessarily be left to a reading of individual chapters. In conjunction, chapter two includes a brief commentary on the Cycle of Activity involving the threat of terrorism and the mechanics of governmental reaction to that threat. Acting upon the Cycle is a spectrum of other factors,' termed the Envelope of Influences, which has. a significant effect upon all the components. The Envelope is a combination of such influences as environment, history, culture, precedent, ideas, pressure groups, et al, which must be taken into consideration when assessing policy and policy measures. Judgements of policy and policy measures (taking into account the Envelope) were based upon four principal aspects of governmental performance; 1. Perceptiveness; 2. Capacity to Adapt to New Challenges; 3- Practicality; and, 4* Adherence to Legal, Democratic, and Moral Principles. The context of chapter five, as well as that of chapters two, three, and four, reflects that approach.

Abstract At a time when the discussion of feminism is hot in the media, in the schools and in the cottages so I have been interested in how feminist worlds order might look like and what are the roads there. There are plenty of barriers in the community, some of them you easily could influence. This essay problematize and define the problems behind the difficulties of reaching a feminist world order, but also the factors that are important to achieve this world order. How colonization that began several hundred years ago spread and secured the patriarchal society and its influence all the way to the society of today. But even more immediate factors, on how we ourselves are involved in shaping our society in terms of where we live, how we educate ourselves, and what jobs we choose. Status symbols in society as economics, profession and political influence are all to be reckoned with when it comes to influencing society. Women are limited in some of these areas in various ways; this means segregation in society and loss of freedom and knowledge. I am using a literature study to investigate what today's prominent geography researchers and other scientists have to say about a feminist society. Many books and studies have been plowed through to highlight the problems of all people in the same society does not have the same opportunities. Many of these scientists are positive and indicate that minor changes in society could give feminism a boost. For many developing countries it is important to educate women and create a gender family planning. An education will give new perspectives and will show that there is more to life than being a mother. For many developed countries it is important to let the woman participate in male-dominated industries and vice versa. Equal responsibility for the children will give more chance to improve gender equality in the economy, and the doors will open even into the political realm.

This dissertation examines the boundaries of world politics expressed in claims about the ‘global’ character of international order. The presence of a single political order that covers the surface of the globe—the international system—is often treated as axiomatic in international relations. Animated by the tension between this claim to global scope and critiques of world politics in international relations, this study investigates the way discourses of international politics sustain claims to global political unity. I do this through analyses of literatures that chart the past (the globalization of international society), present (theories of structure and the problem of world politics), and future (Kant’s Cosmopolitan Right) of world political order in international relations. I argue that discourses of international politics sustain claims to global political unity through a specific understanding of order: system, understood as an irreducible relation between parts and whole. While descriptions of the international system abound, prevailing theoretical oppositions in international relations (such as anarchy and society, and hierarchy and equality), presume a particular account of an already present order that they describe. As a result, I argue, these theories of international order provide an implicit answer to some of the most intensely contested questions in world politics, such as the relationship between unity and diversity, that sets boundaries on imagining possibilities for political order on a planetary scale. / Graduate

While most of the states have embraced capitalist market economy, liberal and democratic norms face resistance in large parts of the world. The \enquote{liberal West} under the leadership of the United States has to face critique of his democratization practices and alleged hypocrisy when dealing with the enforcement of its own norms. One of the loudest critics is Russia under President Vladimir Putin. The first objective of my thesis is to understand the rationale behind Russia's Foreign Policy because without that, no efficient and deescalating policies towards Russia can be developed. I do this by means of an ideological discourse analysis of some of the most famous of Putin's speeches. The concepts of the German philosopher Carl Schmitt serve as a frame for tracing the ideas expressed in the speeches of the Russian President. The analysis concludes that, at least rhetorically, democracy, trust, disarmament, freedom of speech, balance of power and the UN as universal institution have a central place for both the Western World and Russia. NATO expansion, U.S. intervention in the Middle East and, related to that, the alleged non--respect of sovereignty are the most dividing issues between Russia and the Western liberal democracies. It becomes clear that Russia has the impression that Western liberal...

Do the transatlantic relations have a future after the Iraq crisis and what will they look like? This question will be discussed in this and the next issue of WeltTrends.<br> For this debate, Thomas Risse, Chair of International Relation at the Freie Universität Berlin, provides the initial input. Risse focuses on controversial issues inside of Europe, the outcome of which will be decisive for the future of the transatlantic relationship. Will the European consensus once constituted by the commitment to international law and multilateralism persist? What is the European position regarding democracy and human rights in the Middle East? Will Europe develop a strategy to cope with the new kind of threats posed by weapons of mass destruction in the hands of dictators or terrorists? Risse´s article has provoked a debate inside the German academic community, whose contributions will be published in the next issue of WeltTrends.

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This thesis examines the role of democracy in British, French and American visions of global order in the 1940s. It argues that 'democracy' in a global context did not reflect 'Wilsonian' or 'Cosmopolitan' dreams, nor did it refer to the questions of state representation and institutional accountability that dominate contemporary debates. Instead, it shows that building a 'democratic' global order in the 1940s meant, above all, an attempt to address the challenge of democratic modernity, summarised by Karl Polanyi in 1944 as the search for 'freedom in a complex society', in the new global environment of the mid-century. This challenge was composed of five core concerns, ranging from the protection of the individual from the modern state and the transformation of democratic participation, to the use of expert planning and modern technology to secure economic justice. Achieving a balance between these competing and at times contradictory imperatives was seen as the key to securing a new democratic order that could resist the temptations of nationalism and totalitarianism and secure peace. Crucially, it was only through the structures of a new global order that, internationalists argued, there could be any chance of success. The task was not an easy one, and the historical investigation shows how the choices and trade-offs internationalists made in relation to these imperatives entailed costs in terms of inclusivity, participation and even rights within visions of democratic global order. The thesis has both historical and conceptual goals. First, it recovers important ideas about global order that have been largely written out of the history of this period by taking the language of democracy in world order debates seriously and understanding these visions in context. Conceptually, its aim is to contest and transform how we think about global order and democracy in the history of international thought and in the present day. Instead of Cosmopolitan, Wilsonian, liberal or other normative blueprints for a democratic world order, the conclusion argues that we should, following the example of the 1940s, reconceptualise the relationship between global order and democracy today in relation to the persistent dilemmas of democratic modernity. In a global context, these continue to have interlocking domestic and international dimensions and, more importantly, continue to require choices that entail normatively contestable costs in the construction of a democratic global order. Only then, it argues, will it be possible to think about how these shortcomings can be mitigated and whether and what kind of democratic order we want to pursue at all.

International relations are heralding a new era with the expectation of a new world order. However, the international community is facing a crisis of perception. They are trying to apply the concepts of outdated perspectives, such as realism, idealism, and Marxism, to an international political reality that can no longer be understood in terms of these concepts. The emergence of non-state nations, which are threatening the existence of the state system, are not integrated into the international system by the perspectives. The problem is "perspective effect" - one uses perspectives to perceive, understand, judge, and manipulate, the world order. Any international political issue that does not match conditional perception, is ignored and distorted. The result is "perspective paralysis" - the perspectives are unable to adjust to changed circumstances in the world order. "Perspective paralysis" can be overcome if there is a "perspective shift" - perspectives employ alternative criteria for evaluating world order. / World order / New world order / M.A (International Politics)

Das Paper untersucht die geopolitische Konfrontation zwischen Iran und den USA sowie deren Auswirkung auf eine Veränderung der bestehenden Weltordnung. Es wird deutlich, dass die US-amerikanische Sanktionspolitik nicht nur auf das Nuklearprogramm abzielt, sondern grundsätzlich versucht, die Wirtschaftskraft der unabhängig von den Interessen der USA agierenden Regionalmacht zu brechen. Doch die Sanktionspolitik konnte weder eine Lösung des Nukleardossiers herbeiführen noch die Wirtschaftskraft Irans eindämmen. Es ist Zeit für eine fundamentale Kursänderung. / This paper examines the geopolitical confrontation between Iran and the U.S. as well as its consequence on a transformation of the existing world order. It comes to the conclusion that the U.S.-American sanctions policy does not only aim at the nuclear programme but also seeks to generally break the economic clout of a regional power acting independently from U.S. interests. The sanctions policy did neither solve the nuclear dossier nor did it curb Iran's economic power. It is time for a fundamental change of course.